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4 April
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Hauptmann



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BerichtGeplaatst: 04 Apr 2006 6:03    Onderwerp: 4 April Reageer met quote

April 4

1918 Germans and Allies step up operations near Somme

On this day in 1918, German forces in the throes of a major spring offensive on the Western Front launch a renewed attack on Allied positions between the Somme and Avre Rivers.

The first stage of the German offensive, dubbed “Operation Michael,” began March 21, 1918; by the first days of April it had resulted in a gain of almost 40 miles of territory for the Germans, the largest advance in the west for either side since 1914. After initial panic, the Allies had managed to stabilize and strengthen their defense, stopping the Germans at Moreau Wood on March 30 and continuing their hardy defense of the crucial railroad junction and town of Amiens, France, just south of the Somme.

With a bombardment by more than 1,200 guns and a total of 15 divisions sent against only seven of the enemy’s, the Germans attacked in force at Villers-Bretonneux on April 4. Again, British and Australian troops reacted with panic in the face of such an onslaught, but soon rallied to drive back their attackers. At the same time, French divisions made their own advances along the front running between the towns of Castel and Cantigny, to the south of Villers-Bretonneux.

Also on April 4, German military officials announced that their attacks in the Somme region had claimed a total of 90,000 Allied prisoners since March 21. The following day, Erich von Ludendorff, chief of the German general staff, formally closed down the Michael offensive; the second phase of the attacks, “Georgette,” would begin four days later in Flanders.

http://www.historychannel.com
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Hauptmann



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BerichtGeplaatst: 04 Apr 2006 6:04    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Events
None for 4 April



Births
1 04 Apr 1891 William Weir
2 04 Apr 1896 Harold Buckley



Deaths
1 04 Apr 1918 Kurt Gruber
2 04 Apr 1918 Heinrich Geigl



Claims
1 04 Apr 1916 Hans-Joachim Buddecke u/c
2 04 Apr 1917 Hans Klein #1
3 04 Apr 1917 Ferruccio Ranza u/c
4 04 Apr 1918 Gregory Blaxland #1
5 04 Apr 1918 Kurt Gruber #11
6 04 Apr 1918 Friedrich Hefty u/c
7 04 Apr 1918 Conway Farrell #2
8 04 Apr 1918 Thomas Colvill-Jones #10
9 04 Apr 1918 Ronald Mark #12
10 04 Apr 1918 Christopher McEvoy #2
11 04 Apr 1918 Herbert Richardson #15
12 04 Apr 1918 Francis Symondson #4
13 04 Apr 1918 Heinrich Geigl #13
14 04 Apr 1918 Robert von Greim #12
15 04 Apr 1918 Rudolf Stark #4 #5
16 04 Apr 1918 George McElroy #24
17 04 Apr 1918 Antonio Chiri u/c
18 04 Apr 1918 Francis Kitto #7



Losses
1 04 Apr 1918 Kurt Gruberkilled in action
2 04 Apr 1918 Heinrich Geiglkilled in action

http://www.theaerodrome.com/today
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Percy Toplis



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BerichtGeplaatst: 03 Apr 2010 19:00    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

US CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE - APRIL 4, 1918

Flinke PDF... https://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/GPO-CRECB-1918-pt5-v56/pdf/GPO-CRECB-1918-pt5-v56-6-1.pdf via https://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/search/pagedetails.action?collectionCode=GPO&granuleId=GPO-CRECB-1918-pt5-v56-6-1&packageId=GPO-CRECB-1918-pt5-v56&fromBrowse=true
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"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005


Laatst aangepast door Percy Toplis op 04 Apr 2018 8:54, in totaal 1 keer bewerkt
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BerichtGeplaatst: 03 Apr 2010 19:06    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Letters from Tsar Nicholas to Tsaritsa Alexandra

Telegram. Louga. 4 April, 1915

Hearty thanks for dear letter. I have changed the beginning of my programme; am first going to the Stavka and then to the two other places which I wrote down in your pocket-book. Am feeling splendid. I kiss all tenderly.

Nicky.

http://www.alexanderpalace.org/letters/april15.html
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"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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Percy Toplis



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BerichtGeplaatst: 03 Apr 2010 19:09    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Two German prisoners of war

On 4 April 1915, two German prisoners of war escaped from Dyffryn Aled, Llansannan, Denbighshire. They were recaptured near Llanbedr, Merionethshire, on 11 April. This photograph was taken outside Blaenau Ffestiniog Police Station and shows the handcuffed prisoners accompanied by members of the local police force. Following a military hearing at Chester, the two German officers were sent to prison for 28 days.

The website for Welsh Cultural History, http://www.gtj.org.uk/en/small/item/GTJ18053/
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"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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BerichtGeplaatst: 03 Apr 2010 20:27    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Muddy Waters

Muddy Waters (pseudoniem van McKinley Morganfield 4 april 1915 - 30 april 1983) was een Amerikaanse blueszanger, een waardig opvolger in de blues-muziek van zijn voorgangers Son House, Willie Brown, en Robert Johnson.

Geboren in Rolling Fork, Mississippi groeide Muddy op als neger tussen de blanken. Op zijn zevende begon Muddy met een mondharmonica (bluesharp) en trok daarmee veel bekijks als hij midden op het plein een deuntje speelde. Later, op 17-jarige leeftijd verruilde hij zijn mondharmonica voor een gitaar en speelde op lokale feesten.

In 1943 verhuisde hij naar Chicago waar hij de akoestische gitaar aan de wilgen hing en zich richtte op de elektrische gitaar. Samen met Little Walter, Jimmy Rogers en Otis Spann begon hij een band waarin hij zijn elektrische gitaar liet zingen. De eerste single 'Louisiana Blues' kwam in 1950 uit en werd na lange tijd toch een hit die terug te vinden is in de Top 10 van de Rhythm en Blues. Mick Jagger en Keith Richards vernoemden hun band naar het nummer Rollin' Stone Blues van Muddy Waters.

Latere singles I'm your hoochie Coochie Man (1953), I'm ready (1954) werden net als de voorganger een succes. In 1983 overleed deze blueslegende op 68-jarige leeftijd aan een hartaanval in zijn slaap.

http://www.bluesforum.nl/smf/index.php?topic=1040.0
Ook hier: https://www.bet.com/news/national/2014/04/04/this-day-in-black-history-april-4-1915.html
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005


Laatst aangepast door Percy Toplis op 04 Apr 2018 10:07, in totaal 1 keer bewerkt
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BerichtGeplaatst: 03 Apr 2010 20:37    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Easter, 1916

I have met them at close of day
Coming with vivid faces
From counter or desk among grey
Eighteenth-century houses.
I have passed with a nod of the head
Or polite meaningless words,
Or have lingered awhile and said
Polite meaningless words,
And thought before I had done
Of a mocking tale or a gibe
To please a companion
Around the fire at the club,
Being certain that they and I
But lived where motley is worn:
All changed, changed utterly:
A terrible beauty is born.

That woman's days were spent
In ignorant good-will,
Her nights in argument
Until her voice grew shrill.
What voice more sweet than hers
When, young and beautiful,
She rode to harriers?
This man had kept a school
And rode our winged horse;
This other his helper and friend
Was coming into his force;
He might have won fame in the end,
So sensitive his nature seemed,
So daring and sweet his thought.
This other man I had dreamed
A drunken, vainglorious lout.
He had done most bitter wrong
To some who are near my heart,
Yet I number him in the song;
He, too, has resigned his part
In the casual comedy;
He, too, has been changed in his turn,
Transformed utterly:
A terrible beauty is born.

Hearts with one purpose alone
Through summer and winter seem
Enchanted to a stone
To trouble the living stream.
The horse that comes from the road.
The rider, the birds that range
From cloud to tumbling cloud,
Minute by minute they change;
A shadow of cloud on the stream
Changes minute by minute;
A horse-hoof slides on the brim,
And a horse plashes within it;
The long-legged moor-hens dive,
And hens to moor-cocks call;
Minute by minute they live:
The stone's in the midst of all.

Too long a sacrifice
Can make a stone of the heart.
O when may it suffice?
That is Heaven's part, our part
To murmur name upon name,
As a mother names her child
When sleep at last has come
On limbs that had run wild.
What is it but nightfall?
No, no, not night but death;
Was it needless death after all?
For England may keep faith
For all that is done and said.
We know their dream; enough
To know they dreamed and are dead;
And what if excess of love
Bewildered them till they died?
I write it out in a verse -
MacDonagh and MacBride
And Connolly and pearse
Now and in time to be,
Wherever green is worn,
Are changed, changed utterly:
A terrible beauty is born.

William Butler Yeats

http://www.bbc.co.uk/radio4/poetryofhistory/pip/lauuo/
Zie ook ‘EASTER, 1916’ : YEATS’S FIRST WORLD WAR POEM', door Marjorie Perloff, http://epc.buffalo.edu/authors/perloff/articles/Perloff_Yeats-Easter-1916.pdf
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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BerichtGeplaatst: 03 Apr 2010 20:48    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

4 April 1917, Commons Sitting

ENEMY DESTRUCTION IN FRANCE AND BELGIUM.


HC Deb 04 April 1917 vol 92 cc1288-9 1288

Sir HENRY CRAIK asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the barbarity of the enemy in spreading destruction on the line of their retreat, the Government is prepared, in conjunction with our Allies, to consider the suggestion made by many persons of high authority in France and Belgium of designating certain German towns as hostages 1289 for towns in France and Belgium, and that the ruin of any of the Belgian and French towns should involve the destruction of the German hostage town corresponding to it as a measure of expiation for this crime against civilisation and humanity?

Mr. BONAR LAW The Government are not prepared to adopt the suggestion contained in this question.

http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/commons/1917/apr/04/enemy-destruction-in-france-and-belgium

4 April 1917, Commons Sitting

PEACE PROPOSALS.


HC Deb 04 April 1917 vol 92 cc1290-1 1291

Sir WILLIAM BYLES asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been drawn to the statement of Count Czernin, the Austro-Hungarian foreign secretary, that the Central Empires' proposal for a peace conference still holds good and urging that, without the declaration of a truce, the belligerents should meet and see if an agreement is possible, adding that, as soon as our enemies are ready to negotiate for a peace honourable to them and to us, then nothing stands in the way of negotiations; and whether, to save further bloodshed and suffering, His Majesty's Government will entertain the proposal?

Mr. BONAR LAW I am not aware of any terms of peace being suggested by the Central Governments.

Sir W. BYLES Is it not now evident that you can have peace to-morrow? [An HON. MEMBER: "On German terms!"]

Mr. BONAR LAW Yes, I think it is evident we can have peace to-morrow, if we surrender.

http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/commons/1917/apr/04/peace-proposals
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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BerichtGeplaatst: 03 Apr 2010 20:52    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

4 April, 1917 - Senator Norris Opposes U.S. Entry into the War

The Progressive Republican from Nebraska, Senator George William Norris (1861-1944) was among the handful of eminent politicians of the day to oppose US entry into the Great War. In this speech to the Senate, he made his reasons clear.

Mr. President, while I am most emphatically and sincerely opposed to taking any step that will force our country into the useless and senseless war now being waged in Europe, yet if this resolution passes I shall not permit my feeling of opposition to its passage to interfere in any way with my duty either as a Senator or as a citizen in bringing success and victory to American arms. I am bitterly opposed to my country entering the war, but if, notwithstanding my opposition, we do enter it, all of my energy and all of my power will be behind our flag in carrying it on to victory.

The resolution now before the Senate is a declaration of war. Before taking this momentous step, and while standing on the brink of this terrible vortex, we ought to pause and calmly and judiciously consider the terrible consequences of the step we are about to take. We ought to consider likewise the route we have recently traveled and ascertain whether we have reached our present position in a way that is compatible with the neutral position which we claimed to occupy at beginning and through the various stages of this unholy and unrighteous war.

No close student of recent history will deny that both Great Britain and Germany have, on numerous occasions since the beginning of the war, flagrantly violated in the most serious manner the rights of neutral vessels and neutral nations under existing international law as recognized up to the beginning of this war by the civilized world.

The reason given by the President in asking Congress to declare war against Germany is that the German Government has declared certain war zones, within which, by the use of submarines, she sinks, without notice, American ships and destroys American lives....

The first war zone was declared by Great Britain. She gave us and the world notice of it on the 4th day of November, 1914....

Both of these orders declaring military zones were illegal and contrary to international law. It is sufficient to say that our Government has officially declared both of them to be illegal and has officially protested against both of them....

There are a great many American citizens who feel that we owe it as a duty to humanity to take part in the war. Many instances of cruelty and inhumanity can be found on both sides. Men are often biased in their judgment on account of their sympathy and the ir interests To my mind, what we ought to have maintained from the beginning was the strictest neutrality. If we had done this, I do not believe we would have been on the verge of war at the present time. We had a right as a nation, if we desired, to cease at any time to be neutral. We had a technical right to respect the English war zone and to disregard the German war zone, but we could not do that and be neutral. I have no quarrel to find with the man who does not desire our country to remain neutral. While many such people are moved by selfish motives and hopes of gain, I have no doubt that in a great many instances, through what I believe to be a misunderstanding of the real condition, there are many honest, patriotic citizens who think we ought to engage in this war and who are behind the President in his demand that we should declare war against Germany....

It is now demanded that the American citizens shall be used as insurance policies to guarantee the safe delivery of munitions of war to belligerent nations. The enormous profits of munition manufacturers, stockbrokers, and bond dealers must be still further increased by our entrance into the war. This has bro ught us to the present moment, when Congress urged by the President and backed by the artificial sentiment, is about to declare war and engulf our country in the greatest holocaust that the world has ever known....

Congressional Record, 65th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. LV, pt. I, pp. 212-13.
http://www.gwpda.org/1917/norris.html
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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BerichtGeplaatst: 03 Apr 2010 21:22    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Kroniek van Baarle in de Eerste Wereldoorlog (1917)

4 april 1917 - Drie grote en 29 kleine Belgische vlaggen werden uitgeleend aan ridder De Donnea in Eindhoven voor het “Comité du Cercle Belge Patria”. (Gemeentearchief Baarle-Hertog; 2.073.564 Register van Briefwisseling)

4 april 1917 - In de eerste vier weken werden 3.779 wittebroodkaarten uitgereikt. (Gemeentearchief Baarle-Hertog; burgemeester aan de Provinciale Broodcommissie in ’s Hertogenbosch, 2.073.564 Register van Briefwisseling) De volgende maanden zou een gelijkaardige hoeveelheid kaarten worden uitgereikt.

http://www.amaliavansolms.org/joomla15/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=190:08-kroniek-van-baarle-in-de-eerste-wereldoorlog-1917&catid=90:oorlog&Itemid=118
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"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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BerichtGeplaatst: 03 Apr 2010 21:25    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Second battle of the Somme, 21 March-4 April 1918

The second battle of the Somme, 21 March-4 April 1918, was the first of General Ludendorff’s five great offensives launched during the spring and summer of 1918.(...)

The final German attack was launched towards Amiens. It came on 4 April, when fifteen divisions attacked seven Allied divisions on a line east of Amiens. At Villers-Bretonneux they came close to capturing the village, but were turned back by an Australian counterattack. An attempt to renew the offensive on 5 April failed. On that day Ludendorff called a halt to the offensive.

Both sides suffered massive losses during the battle. The German official history of 1944 gave a figure of 239,000 casualties. The British suffered 177,739 casualties, 90,882 of them in Gough’s Fifth Army and 78,860 in Byng’s Third Army. The Germans had captured 1,200 square miles of France, and advanced up to 40 miles, but they had not achieved any of their strategic objectives.

Lees het helemaal op http://www.historyofwar.org/articles/battles_sommeII.html
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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BerichtGeplaatst: 03 Apr 2010 21:28    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

The Avre

The Battle of the Avre, 4 April 1918: the German drive for Amiens.

On the evening of 28 March the costly German assaults on Arras were abandoned. Frustrated by obstinate British defence Ludendorff now fixed his attention on preparations for a major attack in Flanders whilst still hoping to snatch some notable strategic prize from the failing ‘Michael’ operations. Amiens became his immediate goal and the ensuing battle of the Avre marked the beginning of the end for his March Offensive.

Preliminary moves (29-30 March) across the southern battlefields by German 2nd Army proved so slow and difficult that offensive operations were suspended between 1-3 April to allow German forces to recover. By 4 April, 17 German divisions were disposed along a 15-mile front south of the Somme threatening units of the French First Army and British forces covering Amiens.

Just after 5am on 4 April, in drenching rain, an intense German bombardment pounded allied positions. In dank mist German infantry attacked across sodden ground at 6.30am. In the British sector, 18th and 14th Divisions, with 9th Australian Brigade, repelled three serious German assaults, but around 10am an enemy break-in on 14th Division’s front, forced anxious withdrawals to positions barely a mile east of Villers-Bretonneux. North of the Roman road the British defence held all day, but serious problems unfolded to the south during the afternoon. In the wake of a strong attack around 4pm against 18th Division the enemy penetrated Lancer Wood pressing defenders back; a gap was punched in the line and the way to Villers-Bretonneux lay open. Crucially, at 5.45pm, a determined counter-attack by 36th Australian Battalion stopped the German onrush; the line north of the railway was consolidated and the defensive perimeter east of Villers-Bretonneux re-established. The German drive towards Amiens had been stopped far short of its objectives; attacks would be renewed the following day.

http://www.cwgc.org/spring1918/content.asp?menuid=34&submenuid=35&id=13&menuname=The+Avre&menu=subsub
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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BerichtGeplaatst: 03 Apr 2010 21:33    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Oude krantenberichten Amsterdamse Trams

4 april 1918 - In de gemeenteraad is een voorstel aan de orde om de vroegritprijs te verhogen. Het raadslid Ed. Polak verwondert zich over het agenderen van dit voorstel, omdat de gemeenteraad nog maar enkele maanden geleden een eerder voorstel heeft afgewezen. Aanneming ervan zal bijna uitsluitend de arbeiders treffen. Hij bestrijdt de opvatting in het voorstel dat er nu passagiers van het vroegrittarief gebruik maken, die dat voorheen niet deden. Met de cijfers is dat niet te bewijzen.
Wethouder De Vries zegt dat de gemeente niet door kan gaan met het toeleggen op de vroegritten. De bedoeling van dit voorstel is om het lijden van verlies door het trambedrijf te stoppen. De cijfers wijzen uit dat er thans bijna uitsluitend vroegritretours worden verkocht, en er wordt zelfs in die kaartjes handel gedreven.
Het raadslid Fabius zegt dat de gemeentebedrijven niet beneden de kostprijs mogen leveren, waarop Polak antwoordt, dat allerlei overheidsinstellingen waren beneden de kostprijs aan de bevolking leveren, dus waarom de tram niet? Hij blijft volhouden dat de stijging in het aantal verkochte vroegritten niet abnormaal is, en van handel in tramkaartjes is hem nog nooit gebleken.
Het raadslid Manassen stelt daarop voor om de vroegritretours helemaal af te schaffen. Wethouder De Vries wijst dit van de hand, hoewel hij persoonlijk zich er wel mee kan verenigen, en bij aanneming ervan zelfs bereid zou zijn de prijs van de enkele vroegritkaartjes te handhaven op 3 cent. Op verzoek van het raadslid Van de Tempel verklaart de voorzitter evenwel dat burgemeester en wethouders het voorstel-Manassen ontraden. Dit wordt daarop verworpen met 35 tegen 5 stemmen..
Vervolgens besluit de raad met 24 tegen 16 stemmen het voorstel van het college aan te nemen. Tegen stemmen de sociaal-democraten en de vrijzinnig democraten.

http://www.amsterdamsetrams.nl/tijdlijn/tijdlijn1918.htm
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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BerichtGeplaatst: 03 Apr 2010 21:34    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Action of 4 April 1918

The Action of 4 April 1918 was a naval action fought in the Atlantic Ocean during World War I. An unknown Kaiserliche Marine U-boat attacked three armed transports of the United States Army and Navy, but failed to damage the American ships before she was sunk.

http://trends.ellerdale.com/topics/view/0211-289b/Action+of+4+April+1918.html
Zie ook hier: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Action_of_4_April_1918
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005


Laatst aangepast door Percy Toplis op 04 Apr 2018 8:51, in totaal 1 keer bewerkt
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BerichtGeplaatst: 03 Apr 2010 21:42    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

April 4th 1919

Major John Lyne Mayer, a US Marine Corps Officer, was killed in action by Haitian Freedom Fighters (Cacos) in Haiti.

http://haititimeline.com/n358/major-john-lyne-mayer-us-marine-corps.html
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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BerichtGeplaatst: 03 Apr 2010 21:54    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

1920 Palestine riots

The 1920 Palestine riots, or Nabi Musa riots, took place in British Mandate Palestine April 4–7, 1920 in and around the Old City of Jerusalem.

The events coincided with and are named after the local Muslim holiday, Nabi Musa, and followed rising tensions in Arab-Jewish relations over the implications of Zionist immigration, tensions which coincided with attacks on outlying Jewish settlements in the Galilee. Speeches by Arab Palestinian religious leaders during the festival, in which traditionally large numbers of Muslims gathered for a religious procession, led to a serious outbreak of violent assaults on the city's Jews.

The British military administration's erratic response failed to contain the rioting, which continued for four days. As a result of the events, trust between the British, Jews, and Arabs eroded. One consequence was that the Jewish community increased moves towards an autonomous infrastructure and security apparatus parallel to that of the British administration.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1920_Palestine_riots
Ook hier: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1920_Nebi_Musa_riots
Ook hier: http://cojs.org/april-4-1920-nebi-musa-festivities-turn-violent/ & http://cojs.org/nebi-mussa-riots-jerusalem/
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Edward Thomas: 'In Memoriam [Easter 1915]'

6. IV. 15
The flowers left thick at nightfall in the wood
This Eastertide call into mind the men,
Now far from home, who, with their sweethearts, should
Have gathered them and will do never again.

The manuscript of Edward Thomas's 'In Memoriam [Easter 1915]' reveals that this sophisticated four-line poem has been given its elaborate title by an editor at a later date. '6.IV.15', by comparison, is suitably bare, suitably unembellished, and it seems right for a poem which withholds more than it explicitly voices. We might quibble at the phrase 'call into mind', which may be metrically essential but only at the expense of the more natural (and less clumsily repetitive) 'call to mind'. Otherwise, the poem is a tiny marvel. It moves from abundance ('The flowers left thick') to dearth (the absent men), so that paradoxically it speaks of loss through nature's surfeit. Those men are 'far from home' eschatologically, not just geographically. They are either dead already, or they will soon be dead: they won't be coming back. As I've argued elsewhere, the last twist of the knife comes from Thomas's syntax. In its anastrophic delaying of the negative --- 'and will do never again' instead of the more customary 'and will never do again' --- the poem tantalizes by briefly imagining a replenished future ('and will do'), only to snatch that potential away with emphatic immediacy.

http://war-poets.blogspot.com/2010/04/edward-thomas-in-memoriam-easter-1915.html
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1915
Western Front

French make progress south of St. Mihiel (Meuse) and in the Woevre district.

Germans take Driegrachten.

Eastern Front

Russian hospital bombed at Radom (Poland).

Russians occupy Cisna and reach Sztropko (Carpathians).

Fierce battle at Okna (nezr Czernowitz).

Asiatic and Egyptian Theatres

Russians defeat Turks at Olty (Armenia).

Naval and Overseas Operations

"Goeben" and "Breslau" withdraw to Bosporus.

Political, etc.

Greece: Publication of a further memorandum by M. Venizelos, dated 30 January 1915, on Greek foreign policy.

1916
Western Front

Battle of Verdun: French progress north of Bois de Caillette.

Zeppelin raid on east coast; 1 killed, 9 injured.

Eastern Front

General Brusilov succeeds General Ivanov in command of southern front.

Naval and Overseas Operations

British attack Lol Kissale (German East Africa).

Political, etc.

Budget introduced.

Clyde strike ends.

Holland reaffirms her neutrality after a secret sitting of the Chamber.

1917
Western Front

British capture Metz-en-Couture (towards Cambrai).

French (south of St. Quentin) capture three villages and advance to south-west suburb of St. Quentin.

Naval and Overseas Operations

Belgian relief ship, "Trevier", torpedoed off Scheveningen.

Political, etc.

Speeches of General Robertson and Admiral Jellicoe to Trade Unions re: sacrifice required from nation.

British Food Order for hotels, etc.

British Flour Order.

1918
Western Front

Germans again attack in force between Somme and Avre rivers.

British pressed back near Hamel and Villers-Bretonneux, and French between Avre and Luce rivers.

North of Somme, attack near Albert is repulsed.

French counter-attack between Grivesnes and Noyon.

Germans claim 90,000 prisoners since 21 March.

Asiatic and Egyptian Theatres

Sarikamish (Transcaucasia) occupied by Turks.

Naval and Overseas Operations

Morocco: Reported German intrigues in.

British destroyer sunk in collision.

Petrograd reports sinking of three Russian warships in Finnish waters and destruction of others to avoid capture.

Political, etc.

Mr. Lloyd George returns from visit to the front.

1919
Aftermath of War

General Smuts' Mission to Budapest a failure (2-6 April).

British nervousness re: positions in Archangel and Murman regions.

Soviet Republic in Bavaria.
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Oostfront, Rusland
4 april 1916
Generaal Aleksej Broesilow, een van Ruslands bekwaamste bevelhebbers, krijgt het bevel over het zuidwestenfront, dat vier legers omvat.
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BerichtGeplaatst: 04 Apr 2010 11:09    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

De geboortedag van:
1915
De Amerikaanse blueszanger-songwriter-gitarist Muddy Waters (McKinley Morganfield, 1915-83), in Rolling Fork, Mississippi. Songs: "Hoochie coochie man", "Got my mojo working", "Mannish boy".
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BerichtGeplaatst: 04 Apr 2010 12:01    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Ostern 1916 beim Eier suchen.

http://www.zeno.org/Bildpostkarten/M/Erster+Weltkrieg/Bier+und+Spiel/Ostern+1916+beim+Eier+suchen
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Karl Henckell (1864-1929)

Ostern 1917


Und wir schritten durch Schleier, und jeder sah
Wie blind der Erde Gefild,
Und wieder hob sich auf Golgatha
Im Nebel das blutige Bild.

Und wieder bebte der Erde Grund,
Versank die Lichtwelt in Nacht,
Und die Liebe neigte sich todeswund
Und sprach: "Es ist vollbracht!"

O, die wir gewandelt in Dunkelheit
Und gelitten in Kreuz und Not,
Wir hungern nach wahrer Gerechtigkeit
Und dürsten nach neuem Gebot.

Wir recken die schaffenden Hände zum Licht
Für unser Leben und Land,
Und aus dem Schoße der Himmel bricht
Ein Strahl, der die Finsternis bannt.

Wir schöpfen die Himmel, wir schöpfen den Strahl
Aus des eigenen Volkes Schoß,
Und wir erzeugen in Krampf und Qual
Der Menschheit schöneres Los.

Und wir schreiten in stählender Lüfte Wehn
Durch der kreißenden Erde Gefild -
Und das blutende Leben muss auferstehn
In der Zukunft geläutertem Bild.

http://www.gedichte-fuer-alle-faelle.de/festtagsgedichte/index.php?fnr=251
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BerichtGeplaatst: 04 Apr 2010 12:14    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Das letzte Kaiserei von Faberge

Franz-Josef Bierbaum, einer der bedeutendsten Meisterjuweliere, die für Carl Fabergé gearbeitet haben, notiert in seinen Memorien, aufgezeichnet 1919 und veröffentlicht erst im Jahr 1992: "Die Kriegsjahre brachten wenig Pracht mit sich. Die Kaiser-Eier wurden entweder gar nicht hergestellt oder in sehr bescheidener Qualität und relativ preiswert, fast ohne übliche Edel-Attribute wie Verarbeitung mit Diamanten, Gold und Brillanten". Und tatsächlich, während des Russisch-Japanischen Krieges (1904 - 1905) wurden für den Kaiser keine Eier hergestellt, und auch während des I. Weltkrieges drei nur relativ einfache wie "das Rote Kreuz Ei" in 1915, "das Georgische Ei" in 1916 und "das Stahlei" in 1916. Für 1917 wurden zwei Kaiser-Eier angefangen, eins aus Stein und ein Hölzernes.

Die Kaiserin Maria Fiodorovna bevorzugte Möbel aus karelischer Birke. Die Birke dieser Sorte wächst nur in Nordrussland, in Karelien, in der Heimat von Fabergé-Meister Michael Perkhin. Die Elefanten-Figur als Überraschungsinhalt war ein Symbol für Glück und gleichzeitig Teil des Wappens vom Dänischen Königshof.

"Die Ostereier für Ostern 1917 wurden nie beendet", schreibt Bierbaum, "es gab Angebote von einigen Privatpersonen, die Eier zu kaufen, wenn sie vervollständigt sind, aber diese Angebote lehnte die Firma Fabergé ab. Das Herstellen der Kaiser-Eier war meistens ein sehr mühsamer Prozess, der direkt nach dem Osterfest im Vorjahr begann und die Arbeit endete oft erst kurz oder während der Karwoche von Ostern des nächsten Jahres. Übergeben wurden die Eier jeweils am Karfreitag von Karl Fabergé dem Kaiser persönlich".

http://www.fabergemuseum.de/?id=71&ex=2
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BerichtGeplaatst: 04 Apr 2010 12:23    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

WWI POW Easter Bunny - "Frohe Ostern"

http://www.flickr.com/photos/sunnybrook100/3415876982/
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McArthur, John Alexander Letter: 1917 April 4th | Canadian Letters

Witley
April 4/17

Dear Hazel -

Rec'd a letter from you today and of course I feel exceptionally good after reading it. We are still in quarantine and letters are doubly appreciated now as we get a little lonely sometimes. You see we are isolated and no one is allowed to come near us except the guards

We had a bathing parade this morning and also had a chance to wash our clothes. I made an exceptionally good job of mine and am getting some valuable experience along that line that may be useful in future years. One advantage in washing one's own clothes is that I get get my hands clean once a week anyway.

I got a letter from my cousin in Sarnia today. She is some girl alright and makes love to me all the time. Really I know you would be quite jealous if you knew some of the dope she writes to me. After all she is only about seventeen and is my cousin so you should worry. If she were about twenty two now that would be rather a serious affair.

So you are twenty three now! Well I suppose it isn't your fault and am glad you admit it. You are not an old maid yet so that is probably the reason you admit your age. At any rate I knew just how old you are and was quite aware that you were about the same age as I am.

Well dear I hope you wont be offended at my talking about our age but I wrote all that dope before I thought what I was writing - not. Dinner has just arrived so I guess I will have to hurry this up as my stomach waits for no one - not even you. I don't expect that there will be much to eat as rations are usually short and they don't look after us very well here.

Am sending a couple of snaps. They aren't very good. The one of the group is a bunch that cleaned up on every battalion in the division in signalling both in rapid transmission of messages and flag work so you see we are quite a clever bunch in spite of many rumours to the contrary.

Well Hazel there is nothing to write about as usual, so I had better end this short and eat my dinner.

Loads of Love
Jack

http://www.canadianletters.ca/content/document-3380
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BerichtGeplaatst: 04 Apr 2010 12:34    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Die Daten für Ostern und Pfingsten

1910 - Ostern: 27. März - Pfingsten: 15. Mai
1911 - Ostern: 16. April - Pfingsten: 4. Juni
1912 - Ostern: 7. April - Pfingsten: 26. Mai
1913 - Ostern: 23. März - Pfingsten: 11. Mai
1914 - Ostern: 12. April - Pfingsten: 31. Mai
1915 - Ostern: 4. April - Pfingsten: 23. Mai
1916 - Ostern: 23. April - Pfingsten: 11. Juni
1917 - Ostern: 8.April - Pfingsten: 27. Mai
1918 - Ostern: 31.März - Pfingsten: 19. Mai
1919 - Ostern: 20.April - Pfingsten: 8. Juni
1920 - Ostern: 4. April - Pfingsten: 23. Mai
1921 - Ostern: 27. März - Pfingsten: 15. Mai
1922 - Ostern: 16. April - Pfingsten: 4. Juni
1923 - Ostern: 1. April - Pfingsten: 20. Mai
1924 - Ostern: 20. April - Pfingsten: 8. Juni
1925 - Ostern: 12. April - Pfingsten: 31. Mai

http://www.bernhardpeter.de/Feste/osterdatum.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 03 Apr 2011 15:02    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Newfoundland survivor, 4 April 1914

Thomas Dawson of the SS Newfoundland arrives at the port of St. John’s after being stranded on the North Atlantic ice floes for 53 hours during the 1914 seal hunt. Dawson’s feet and hands were badly frostbitten following his ordeal, and medical personnel had to carry him off the rescue vessel SS Bellaventure on a stretcher.

http://www.heritage.nf.ca/law/sealing_disaster_ss_newfoundland.html
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April 4th 1915 - Margaret Ellen Nally – London

A mystery man was known to be hanging around London railway stations offering sweets to little girls to “accompany” him. Was he the killer of seven-year-old Margaret Nally?
The little girl’s body was found around midnight on Sunday, April 4th, 1915, by a railway inspector in the ladies’ waiting-room at Aldersgate station. She had been suffocated with her own handkerchief, which was forced down her throat, and the rape inflicted on her had been so severe that it ripped open her vagina, causing terrible injuries.
Margaret was last seen alive playing near her home in Paddington, which is some distance from Aldersgate. The mystery man was described as of medium height, fresh complexion, clean-shaven and with dark hair.

http://www.truecrimelibrary.com/crime_series_show.php?id=104&series_number=11
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Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005


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Order of Battle of the French Army Détachement d'Armée de Belgique (D.A.B)

This Détachement of the French Army had existed by this name from 22 October to 16 November 1914. From 16 November 1914 to 4 April 1915 it had been named the French Eighth Army, but from 4th April to 22nd May 1915 it was again named the Détachement d'Armée de Belgique. After 22nd May 1915 it was renamed XXXVI. Corps.

http://www.greatwar.co.uk/battles/second-ypres-1915/prelude/french-battle-order-second-ypres.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 03 Apr 2011 15:20    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Stijn Streuvels, In oorlogstijd. Het volledige dagboek van de Eerste Wereldoorlog

4 april 1916

Anzegem is gestraft.

(Question de femme)

Een jonge freule die zich haar Germaanse afkomst te zeer bewust was en te gulhartig haar liefde schonk aan de veldgrijze strijders, werd door haar dorpsgenoten gescharminkeld (overgebleven ingewortelde vorm van volkerenrecht!) De Duitse overheid die wellicht met die vorm van recht geen kennis heeft of het inzicht kwalijk uitlegt - heeft de gemeente gestraft, de burgemeester, secretaris en onderpastoor werden opgehaald... en het meisje jubileert. Anzegem - zijn meegenomen naar Kortrijk om onderhoord te worden: de burgemeester, de dokter en een van de onderpastoors - met nog een 10-tal andere inwoners - men zegt dat deze een ton bier beloofd hadden aan de scharminkelaars.

http://www.dbnl.org/tekst/stre009inoo02_01/stre009inoo02_01_0020.php
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BerichtGeplaatst: 03 Apr 2011 15:23    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Japanese battleship Tango

Tango (丹後) was one of eight Russian pre-dreadnought battleships captured by the Imperial Japanese Navy during the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905. (...)

During World War I, Japan and Russia became allies, and the Tango was returned to the Russian navy on 4 April 1916, where she was renamed the Chesma, and transferred to the Arctic. Captured by the British during the Allied invasion of northern Russia during the Russian Civil War and damaged beyond repair, she was scrapped in 1923.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Japanese_battleship_Tango
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Sir Roger Casement

In July 1914 Sir Roger Casement traveled to United States in order to raise support for the IVF. Basil Thomson received information on Casement from Reginald Hall, the director of Naval Intelligence Division of the Royal Navy (NID). Hall was in charge of the code-breaking department Room 40 had discovered the plans hatched in the United States between German diplomats and Irish Republicans.

On the outbreak of the First World War Casement traveled to Berlin. According to the author of Casement: The Flawed Hero (1984): "When the First World War broke out in August he resolved to travel to Germany via Norway in order to urge on the Germans the 'grand idea’ of forming an ‘Irish brigade’ consisting of Irish prisoners of war to fight for Ireland and for Germany". His attempts to persuade Irish prisoners to enlist in his brigade met with a poor response. Private Joseph Mahony, who was in Limburg Prisoner of War Camp, later recalled: "In February 1915 Sir Roger Casement made us a speech asking us to join an Irish Brigade, that this was 'our chance of striking a blow for our country'. He was booed out of the camp... After that further efforts were made to induce us to join by cutting off our rations, the bread ration was cut in half for about two months."

On 4th April 1916, Casement was told that a German submarine would be provided to take him to the west coast of Ireland, where he would rendezvous with a ship carrying arms. The Aud, carrying the weapons, set out from Lübeck on 9th April with instructions to land the arms at Tralee Bay. Unfortunately for Casement, Reginald Hall, the director of Naval Intelligence Division of the Royal Navy (NID), had discovered details of this plan. On 12th April Casement set out in a German U-boat, but because of an error in navigation, Casement failed to arrive at the proposed rendezvous with the ship carrying the weapons. Casement and his two companions, Robert Monteith and David Julian Bailey, embarked in a dinghy and landed on Banna Strand in the small hours of 21st April. Basil Thomson, using information supplied by NID, arranged for the arrest of the three men in Rathoneen.

As Noel Rutherford points out: "Casement's diaries were retrieved from his luggage, and they revealed in graphic detail his secret homosexual life. Thomson had the most incriminating pages photographed and gave them to the American ambassador, who circulated them widely." Later, Victor Grayson claimed that Arthur Maundy Gregory had planting the diaries in Casement's lodgings.

Reginald Hall and Basil Thomson took control of the interrogation of Casement. Christopher Andrew, the author of The Defence of the Realm: The Authorized History of MI5 (2009) has argued: "Casement claimed that during the interrogation at Scotland Yard he asked to be allowed to appeal publicly for the Easter Rising in Ireland to be called off in order to 'stop useless bloodshed'. His interrogators refused, possibly in the hope that the Rising would go ahead and force the government to crush what they saw as a German conspiracy with Irish nationalists."

According to Casement, he was told by Hall, "It is better that a cankering sore like this should be cut out.'' This story is supported by Inspector Edward Parker, who was present during the interrogation: "Casement begged to he allowed to communicate with the leaders to try and stop the rising but he was nor allowed. On Easter Sunday at Scotland Yard he implored again to be allowed to communicate or send a message. But they refused, saying, it's a festering sore, it's much better it should come to a head."

The trial of Roger Casement began on 26 June with Frederick Smith leading for the crown. But as David George Boyce points out: "The most controversial aspect of the trial took place outside the courts. Casement's diaries, detailing his homosexual activities, were now in the hands of the British police and intelligence officers shortly after Casement's interrogation at Scotland Yard on 23 April. There are several versions about precisely when and how the diaries were discovered, but they seem to have come to light when Casement's London lodgings were searched following his arrest. By the first weeks of May they were beginning to be used surreptitiously against him. They were shown to British and American press representatives on about 3 May and excerpts were soon widely circulated in London clubs and the House of Commons. This could not have been done without at least an expectation that those higher up would approve, though Smith opposed any use of the diaries to discredit Casement's reputation, as did Sir Edward Grey. The cabinet however made no attempt to stop these activities, the purpose of which was not to ensure that Casement would be hanged - that was inevitable - but that he should be hanged in disgrace, both political and moral."

On 29th June 1916 Casement was found guilty of high treason and sentenced to death. On 30th June he was stripped of his knighthood and on 24th July an appeal was rejected. A campaign for a reprieve was supported by leading political and literary figures, including W. B. Yeats, George Bernard Shaw, John Galsworthy, and Arthur Conan Doyle, but the British public, primarily concerned by the large loss of life on the Western Front, were unmoved by this campaign.
Roger Casement was executed at Pentonville Prison on 3rd August, 1916. John Ellis, his executioner, called him "the bravest man it ever fell to my unhappy lot to execute".

http://spartacus-educational.blogspot.com/2011/01/sir-roger-casement.html
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005


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BerichtGeplaatst: 03 Apr 2011 15:32    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Zeppelin Raids over Edinburgh

On 4 April, 1916, The Scotsman reported the previous Saturday’s Zeppelin raid and the effect of the explosions.

The Zeppelin dropped a number of explosive bombs, doing considerable damage to working class dwellings and causing several deaths. The invader, flying at a great height, approached the town from an inland direction, and dropped bombs in rapid succession in a line. The visit had been anticipated and trams had been stopped and the electric lights were extinguished. The loud detonations awakened the inhabitants, many of whom went into the streets. An empty tramcar was blown to fragments, and a tramway inspector was killed. Close by a hotel was much damaged. Many small shops and other buildings suffered, and considerable damage was done to working class dwellings, several of which were completely wrecked. One house collapsed, but the inmates escaped injury. In another case a bomb fell in a bed, but did not explode. A well-known Magistrate, the leader of the local Labour party, was killed in the street. The Zeppelin went off to sea, the visit lasting only a few minutes. It is reported that sixteen persons were killed and thirty injured. The victims include a baby and several little children. There were three small fires which were speedily extinguished, No panic occurred; and yesterday crowds thronged the streets inspecting the damaged buildings.

Due to War Office reporting restrictions, the city of Edinburgh could not be named. This prevented the enemy from identifying successful raids.

http://www.edinburghs-war.ed.ac.uk/home_front/zeppelin_ed.html

Rapport van de brandweer hierover: http://www.edinburghs-war.ed.ac.uk/home_front/documents/PDF_zeppelin_fire.pdf
Rapport van de politie hierover: http://www.edinburghs-war.ed.ac.uk/home_front/documents/PDF_zeppelin_police.pdf
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005


Laatst aangepast door Percy Toplis op 04 Apr 2018 8:46, in totaal 1 keer bewerkt
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BerichtGeplaatst: 03 Apr 2011 16:46    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

April Theses

The April Theses were a series of directives issued by the Bolshevik leader Vladimir Lenin of utmost importance, upon his return to Petrograd (Saint Petersburg), Russia from his exile in Switzerland. The Theses were mostly aimed at fellow Bolsheviks in Russia and returning to Russia from exile. He called for soviets (workers' councils) to take power (as seen in the slogan "all power to the soviets"), denounced liberals and social democrats in the Provisional Government, called for Bolsheviks not to cooperate with the government, and called for new communist policies. The April Theses influenced the July Days and October Revolution in the next months and are identified with Leninism.

Lees verder op http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/April_Theses

V.I. Lenin: "De taken van het proletariaat in de huidige revolutie"
Geschreven: 4 en 5 (17 en 18) april 1917

Daar ik pas in de nacht van 3 april in Petrograd was aangekomen, kon ik in de vergadering van 4 april mijn referaat over de taken van het revolutionaire proletariaat natuurlijk alleen uit mijn eigen naam houden en onder het voorbehoud van mijn onvoldoende voorbereiding.

Het enige wat ik doen kon om mijzelf en eerlijke opponenten het werk te vergemakkelijken, was het uitwerken van schriftelijk geformuleerde stellingen. Ik heb ze voorgelezen en de tekst aan kameraad Tsereteli overhandigd. Ik heb ze zeer langzaam en twee keer voorgelezen, eerst op een vergadering van bolsjewieken, daarna op een vergadering van bolsjewieken en mensjewieken.

Ik publiceer deze slechts van uiterst korte verklarende aantekeningen voorziene persoonlijke stellingen, die in mijn referaat veel uitvoeriger werden ontwikkeld.

Stellingen

1. In onze houding tegenover de oorlog, die van de zijde van Rusland ook onder de nieuwe regering van Lvov en co, als gevolg van het kapitalistische karakter van deze regering, onvoorwaardelijk een imperialistische roofoorlog blijft, zijn ook de geringste concessies aan de ‘revolutionaire vaderlandsverdediging’ ontoelaatbaar.

Het klassenbewuste proletariaat kan aan een revolutionaire oorlog, die werkelijk de revolutionaire vaderlandsverdediging zou rechtvaardigen, alleen onder de volgende voorwaarden zijn toestemming geven:

a) dat de macht overgaat in handen van het proletariaat en van de zich daarbij aansluitende armste lagen van de boeren;
b) dat metterdaad en niet alleen met de mond wordt afgezien van alle annexaties;
c) dat volledig en metterdaad gebroken wordt met alle belangen van het kapitaal.

Met het oog op de omstandigheid dat brede lagen van de massa, die de revolutionaire vaderlandsverdediging aanhangen, het ongetwijfeld eerlijk menen en de oorlog alleen maar aanvaarden als een noodzakelijkheid en niet als middel tot veroveringen, met het oog op de omstandigheid dat ze door de bourgeoisie zijn bedrogen, moet men hun bijzonder grondig, volhardend en geduldig hun vergissing uiteenzetten, moet men hun het onverbrekelijke verband tussen kapitaal en imperialistische oorlog uiteenzetten, moet men bewijzen dat het zonder het omverwerpen van het kapitaal niet mogelijk is door middel van een waarlijk democratische vrede en niet door een vrede van geweld een einde te maken aan de oorlog.

Een zo ruim mogelijke propagering van deze opvatting moet onder het leger aan het front georganiseerd worden.

Verbroedering.

2. Het eigenaardige van de tegenwoordige situatie in Rusland ligt in de overgang van de eerste etappe van de revolutie, die als gevolg van het onvoldoende ontwikkelde klassenbewustzijn en van de onvoldoende georganiseerdheid van het proletariaat de bourgeoisie aan de macht heeft gebracht, naar de tweede etappe van de revolutie, die de macht in handen moet geven van het proletariaat en van de armste lagen van de boeren. Deze overgang is gekenmerkt enerzijds door een maximum aan legaliteit (Rusland is op het moment het meest vrije land van alle oorlogvoerende landen ter wereld), anderzijds door de afwezigheid van geweld tegenover de massa’s, en ten slotte doordat de massa’s blindelings vertrouwen stellen in de regering van de kapitalisten, de ergste vijanden van de vrede en van het socialisme.

Deze eigenaardigheid eist van ons de bekwaamheid ons aan te passen aan de bijzondere voorwaarden van het partijwerk onder de ontzaglijk brede, pas tot politiek leven ontwaakte massa’s van het proletariaat.

3. Generlei steun aan de Voorlopige Regering, het aan het licht brengen van heel de leugenachtigheid van al haar beloften, vooral ten aanzien van het afstand doen van annexaties. Ontmaskering van de Voorlopige Regering in plaats van de ontoelaatbare, tot illusies aanleiding gevende ‘eis’ dat deze regering, de regering van de kapitalisten, moet ophouden imperialistisch te zijn.

4. De erkenning van het feit dat onze partij in de meeste sovjets van arbeidersafgevaardigden in de minderheid is, voorlopig zelfs in een zwakke minderheid tegenover het blok van alle kleinburgerlijke opportunistische elementen, die onder de invloed zijn geraakt van de bourgeoisie en deze invloed op het proletariaat overbrengen — vanaf de volkssocialisten en sociaal-revolutionairen tot aan het Organisatiecomite (Tsjcheïdze, Tsereteli enz.), Steklov etc. etc.

Aan de massa’s moet uiteengezet worden dat de raden van arbeidersafgevaardigden de enig mogelijke vorm van een revolutionaire regering zijn en dat het, zolang deze regering zich door de bourgeoisie laat beïnvloeden, slechts onze taak kan zijn geduldig, stelselmatig, standvastig, in het bijzonder aangepast aan de praktische behoeften van de massa’s, de fouten van hun tactiek uiteen te zetten.

Zolang wij in de minderheid zijn is het ons werk de fouten te bekritiseren en duidelijk te maken, waarbij wij tegelijkertijd de noodzakelijkheid propageren dat de gehele staatsmacht overgaat in handen van de raden van arbeidersafgevaardigden, opdat de massa’s zich door de ervaring van hun fouten ontdoen.

5. Geen parlementaire republiek — van de raden van arbeidersafgevaardigden daarheen terugkeren zou een stap achteruit betekenen —, maar een republiek van de raden van arbeiders-, landarbeiders- en boerenafgevaardigden in het gehele land, van onderen tot boven.

Afschaffing van de politie, van het leger, het ambtenarenkorps. [1] De beloning van alle ambtenaren, die allen verkiesbaar en te allen tijde afzetbaar moeten zijn, mag niet uitgaan boven het gemiddelde loon van een goede arbeider.

6. In het agrarische program moet het zwaartepunt verlegd worden naar de raden van landarbeidersafgevaardigden.

Confiscatie van alle landerijen van grootgrondbezitters.

Nationalisatie van de gehele grond in het land; de beschikkingsmacht over de grond ligt in handen van de plaatselijke raden van landarbeiders- en boerenafgevaardigden. Vorming van speciale raad van afgevaardigden van de arme boeren. Het vormen van modelbedrijven uit alle grote landgoederen (ter grootte van ongeveer 100 tot 300 desjatinen, al naar gelang de plaatselijke en overige verhoudingen en ter beoordeling van de plaatselijke instellingen) onder het toezicht van de landarbeidersafgevaardigden en voor rekening van de gemeenschap.

7. Het onmiddellijk samensmelten van alle banken in het land tot een nationale bank en het instellen van controle daarop door de raad van arbeidersafgevaardigden.

8. Geen ‘invoering’ van het socialisme als onze onmiddellijke taak, maar op het ogenblik slechts de overgang naar het toezicht op de maatschappelijke productie en de verdeling van de voortbrengselen door de raad van arbeidersafgevaardigden.

9. Taken van de partij:

a) het onmiddellijk bijeenroepen van het congres;
b) wijziging van het partijprogram, in hoofdzaak op de volgende punten:

1) imperialisme en imperialistische oorlog;
2) onze houding tegenover de staat en onze eis inzake een ‘Communestaat’. [2]
3) verbetering van het oude minimumprogram;

c) verandering van de naam van de partij. [3]

10. Vernieuwing van de Internationale.

Initiatief tot stichting van een revolutionaire Internationale, van een Internationale tegen de sociaal-chauvinisten en tegen het ‘centrum’. [4]

Opdat de lezer begrijpt waarom ik genoodzaakt was het ‘geval’ van eerlijke opponenten apart, als een zeldzame uitzondering te onderstrepen, verzoek ik hem tegenover bovenstaande stellingen de tegenwerping van de heer Goldenberg te plaatsen: Lenin ‘heeft de vlag van de burgeroorlog midden in de revolutionaire democratie geplant’ (geciteerd in het blad ‘Jedinstwo’ van meneer Plechanov, nr. 5).

Een parel, nietwaar?

Ik schrijf, lees voor, zet breedvoerig uiteen: ‘Met het oog op de omstandigheid dat brede lagen van de massa, die de revolutionaire vaderlandsverdediging aanhangen, het ongetwijfeld eerlijk menen (...), dat ze door de bourgeoisie zijn bedrogen, moet men hun bijzonder grondig, volhardend en geduldig hun vergissing uiteenzetten (...)’

Maar de heren van de bourgeoisie die zich sociaaldemocraten noemen, die echter noch tot de brede lagen, noch tot de massa van aanhangers van de vaderlandsverdediging behoren, geven met een stalen gezicht mijn opvattingen aldus weer: “(...) de vlag (!) van de burgeroorlog’ (noch in de stellingen, noch in mijn referaat komt ook maar een woord over burgeroorlog voor!) ‘midden in (!!) de revolutionaire democratie geplant’ (!). Wat betekent dit? Waardoor onderscheidt zich dit van een ophitsing tot een pogrom van de ‘Roeskaja Wolja’? Ik schrijf, lees voor, zet breedvoerig uiteen: ‘De raden van arbeidersafgevaardigden zijn de enig mogelijke vorm van een revolutionaire regering, en daarom kan het slechts onze taak zijn geduldig, stelselmatig, standvastig, in het bijzonder aangepast aan de praktische behoeften van de massa’s, de fouten van hun tactiek uiteen te zetten.’

Een bepaald slag opponenten legt mijn opvattingen evenwel uit als een oproep tot ‘burgeroorlog midden in de revolutionaire democratie’!!

Ik heb de Voorlopige Regering aangevallen, omdat zij niet alleen geen spoedige, maar in het geheel geen datum heeft vastgesteld voor het bijeenroepen van de Constituerende Vergadering en omdat zij tracht zich er met louter beloften van af te maken. Ik heb geprobeerd te bewijzen dat zonder de raden van arbeiders- en soldatenafgevaardigden het bijeenroepen van de Constituerende Vergadering niet gewaarborgd en het succes ervan niet mogelijk is.

En men schuift mij de opvatting in de schoenen dat ik tegen het spoedig bijeenroepen van de Constituerende Vergadering ben!!!

Ik zou geneigd zijn dit ‘koortsfantasieën’ te noemen, als tientallen jaren van politieke strijd mij niet hadden geleerd de eerlijkheid van opponenten als een zeldzame uitzondering te beschouwen. Meneer Plechanov heeft in zijn blad mijn redevoering een ‘koortsfantasie’ genoemd. Uitstekend, meneer Plechanov. Maar wat bent u plomp, onhandig en traag van begrip in uw polemiek! Als ik in mijn redevoering twee volle uren lang koortsfantasieën verkondigde, waarom hebben honderden toehoorders deze ‘koortsfantasie’ dan geduld? Verder. Waarom heeft uw blad een hele kolom gewijd aan het weergeven van een ‘koortsfantasie’? Dat valt toch niet te rijmen met elkaar, dat valt bij u in het geheel niet met elkaar te rijmen.

Het is natuurlijk veel gemakkelijker te schreeuwen, te schelden, te jammeren dan te trachten uiteen te zetten, te verklaren, zich te herinneren hoe Marx en Engels in de jaren 1871, 1872 en 1875 hebben geoordeeld over de ervaringen van de Commune van Parijs en over de vraag welke staat het proletariaat nodig heeft. Meneer Plechanov, de gewezen marxist, wordt kennelijk niet graag aan het marxisme herinnerd.

Ik citeerde de woorden van Rosa Luxemburg, die op 4 augustus 1914 de Duitse sociaaldemocratie een ‘stinkend lijk’ had genoemd. Maar de heren Plechanov, Goldenberg en co voelen zich ‘gekrenkt’... ter wille van wie? — ter wille van de Duitse chauvinisten die chauvinisten werden genoemd!

Die arme Russische sociaal-chauvinisten, socialisten met de mond, chauvinisten met de daad, ze zijn helemaal de kluts kwijt.

Voetnoten [van Lenin]
[1] D.w.z. het vervangen van het staande leger door de algemene bewapening van het volk.
[2] D.w.z. een staat naar het voorbeeld van de Commune van Parijs.
[3] In plaats van ‘sociaaldemocratie’, waarvan de officiële leiders in de hele wereld het socialisme hebben verraden door over te lopen naar de bourgeoisie (de ‘vaderlandsverdedigers’ en de weifelende ‘kautskyanen’), moeten wij ons Communistische Partij noemen.
[4] ‘Centrum’ noemt men in de internationale sociaaldemocratie de richting die weifelt tussen de chauvinisten (‘vaderlandsverdedigers’) en de Internationalisten, te weten Kautsky en co in Duitsland, Longuet en co in Frankrijk, Tsjcheïdze en co in Rusland, Turati en co in Italië, MacDonald en co in Engeland enz
.

http://www.marxists.org/nederlands/lenin/1917/1917aprilstellingen.htm
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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BerichtGeplaatst: 03 Apr 2011 18:18    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

SPAD S.XIII

The SPAD S.XIII first flew on 4 April 1917, and in the following month, was already being delivered to the French Air Service. Other Allied forces were quick to adopt the new fighter as well, and nearly half of the 893 purchased for the United States Army Air Service were still in service in 1920. It was also exported to Japan, Poland, and Czechoslovakia after the war.

http://www.facebook.com/pages/SPAD-SXIII/136506629705115
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005


Laatst aangepast door Percy Toplis op 04 Apr 2018 8:47, in toaal 2 keer bewerkt
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BerichtGeplaatst: 03 Apr 2011 18:19    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Opposition to Wilson's War Message I

Speech by Robert M. LaFollette

I had supposed until recently that it was the duty of senators and representatives in Congress to vote and act according to their convictions on all public matters that came before them for consideration and decision. Quite another doctrine has recently been promulgated by certain newspapers, which unfortunately seems to have found considerable support elsewhere, and that is the doctrine of "standing back of the President" without inquiring whether the President is right or wrong.

For myself, I have never subscribed to that doctrine and never shall. I shall support the President in the measures he proposes when I believe them to be right. I shall oppose measures proposed by the President when I believe them to be wrong. The fact that the matter which the President submits for consideration is of the greatest importance is only an additional reason why we should be sure that we are right and not to be swerved from that conviction or intimidated in its expression by any influence of power whatsoever.

If it is important for us to speak and vote our convictions in matters of internal policy, though we may unfortunately be in disagreement with the President, it is infinitely more important for us to speak and vote our convictions when the question is one of peace or war, certain to involve the lives and fortunes of many of our people and, it may be, the destiny of all of them and of the civilized world as well. If, unhappily, on such momentous questions the most patient research and conscientious consideration we could give to them leave us in disagreement with the President, I know of no course to take except to oppose, regretfully but not the less firmly, the demands of the Executive. . . .

Mr. President, many of my colleagues on both sides of this floor have from day to day offered for publication in the Record messages and letters received from their constituents. I have received some 15,000 letters and telegrams. They have come from forty-four states in the Union. They have been assorted according to whether they speak in criticism or commendation of my course in opposing war. Assorting the 15,000 letters and telegrams by states 'in that way, 9 out of 10 are an unqualified endorsement of my course in opposing war with Germany on the issue presented. . . .

A wire from Chicago received this afternoon from Grace Abbott, of Hull House, says that in City Council election held yesterday, John Kennedy received the largest plurality of any of the city councilmen elected. His plurality was 6,157 votes in his ward. On account of his stand against war, every newspaper in Chicago opposed him bitterly throughout the campaign. Mr. Kennedy made his campaign on the war issue, and in every speech he took occasion to declare himself as against war.

There was received in Washington today a petition against war with over 6,1 20 bona-fide signers, which were secured in the city of Minneapolis in one day; and a wire late this afternoon states that 11,000 more names have been secured to that petition. In New Ulm, Minn., at an election, according to a telegram received this afternoon, 485 votes were cast against war to 19 for war. . . .

Do not these messages indicate on the part of the people a deep-seated conviction that the United States should not enter the European war? . . .

It is unfortunately true that a portion of the irresponsible and war-crazed press, feeling secure in the authority of the President's condemnation of the senators who opposed the armed-ship bill, have published the most infamous and scurrilous libels on the honor of the senators who opposed that bill. It was particularly unfortunate that such malicious falsehoods should fill the public press of the country at a time when every consideration for our country required that a spirit of fairness should be observed in the discussions of the momentous questions under consideration. . . .

Mr. President, let me make a . . . suggestion. It is this: that a minority in one Congress--mayhap a small minority in one Congress--protesting, exercising the rights which the Constitution confers upon a minority, may really be representing the majority opinion of the country, and if, exercising the right that the Constitution gives them, they succeed in defeating for the time being the will of the majority, they are but carrying out what was in the mind of the framers of the Constitution; that you may have from time to time in a legislative body a majority in numbers that really does not represent the principle of democracy; and that if the question could be deferred and carried to the people it would be found that a minority was the real representative of the public opinion. So, Mr. President, it was that they wrote into the Constitution that a President--that one man--may put his judgment against the will of a majority, not only in one branch of the Congress but in both branches of the Congress; that he may defeat the measure that they have agreed upon and may set his one single judgment above the majority judgment of the Congress. That seems, when you look at it nakedly, to be in violation of the principle that the majority shall rule; and so it is. Why, is that power given? It is one of those checks provided by the wisdom of the fathers to prevent the majority from abusing the power that they chance to have, when they do not reflect the real judgment, the opinion, the will of the majority of the people that constitute the sovereign power of the democracy. . . .

The poor, Sir, who are the ones called upon to rot in the trenches, have no organized power, have no press to voice their will upon this question of peace or war; but, oh, Mr. President, at some time they will be heard. I hope and I believe they will be heard in an orderly and a peaceful way. I think they may be heard from before long. I think, Sir, if we take this step, when the people today who are staggering under the burden of supporting families at the present prices of the necessaries of life find those prices multiplied, when they are raised 100 percent, or 200 percent, as they will be quickly, aye, sir, when beyond that those who pay taxes come to have their taxes doubled and again doubled to pay the interest on the nontaxable bonds held by Morgan and his combinations, which have been issued to meet this war, there will come an awakening; they will have their day and they will be heard. It will be as certain and as inevitable as the return of the tides, and as resistless, too. . . .

In his message of April 2, the President said:

We have no quarrel with the German people it was not upon their impulse that their government acted in entering this war; it was not with their previous knowledge or approval.

Again he says:

We are, let me say again, sincere friends of the German people and shall desire nothing so much as the early reestablishment of intimate relations of mutual advantage between us.

At least, the German people, then, are not outlaws.

What is the thing the President asks us to do to these German people of whom he speaks so highly and whose sincere friend he declares us to be? Here is what he declares we shall do in this war. We shall undertake, he says--

The utmost practicable cooperation in council and action with the governments now at war with Germany, and as an incident to that, the extension to those governments of the most liberal financial credits in order that our resources may, so far as possible, be added to theirs.

"Practicable cooperation!" Practicable cooperation with England and her allies in starving to death the old men and women, the children, the sick and the maimed of Germany. The thing we are asked to do is the thing I have stated. It is idle to talk of a war upon a government only. We are leagued in this war, or it is the President's proposition that we shall be so leagued, with the hereditary enemies of Germany. Any war with Germany, or any other country for that matter, would be bad enough, but there are not words strong enough to voice my protest against the proposed combination with the Entente Allies.

When we cooperate with those governments, we endorse their methods; we endorse the violations of international law by Great Britain; we endorse the shameful methods of warfare against which we have again and again protested in this war; we endorse her purpose to wreak upon the German people the animosities which for years her people have been taught to cherish against Germany; finally, when the end comes, whatever it may be, we find ourselves in cooperation with our ally, Great Britain, and if we cannot resist now the pressure she is exerting to carry us into the war, how can we hope to resist, then, the thousandfold greater pressure she will exert to bend us to her purposes and compel compliance with her demands?

We do not know what they are. We do not know what is in the minds of those who have made the compact, but we are to subscribe to it. We are irrevocably, by our votes here, to marry ourselves to a nondivorceable proposition veiled from us now. Once enlisted, once in the copartnership, we will be carried through with the purposes, whatever they may be, of which we now know nothing.

Sir, if we are to enter upon this war in the manner the President demands, let us throw pretense to the winds, let us be honest, let us admit that this is a ruthless war against not only Germany's Army and her Navy but against her civilian population as well, and frankly state that the purpose of Germany's hereditary European enemies has become our purpose.

Again, the President says "we are about to accept the gage of battle with this natural foe of liberty and shall, if necessary, spend the whole force of the nation to check and nullify its pretensions and its power. " That much, at least, is clear; that program is definite. The whole force and power of this nation, if necessary, is to be used to bring victory to the Entente Allies, and to us as their ally in this war. Remember, that not yet has the "whole force" of one of the warring nations been used.

Countless millions are suffering from want and privation; countless other millions are dead and rotting on foreign battlefields; countless other millions are crippled and maimed, blinded, and dismembered; upon all and upon their children's children for generations to come has been laid a burden of debt which must be worked out in poverty and suffering, but the "whole force" of no one of the warring nations has yet been expended; but our "whole force" shall be expended, so says the President. We are pledged by the President, so far as he can pledge us, to make this fair, free, and happy land of ours the same shambles and bottomless pit of horror that we see in Europe today.

Just a word of comment more upon one of the points in the President's address. He says that this is a war "for the things which we have always carried nearest to our hearts--for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in .their own government." In many places throughout the address is this exalted sentiment given expression.

It is a sentiment peculiarly calculated to appeal to American hearts and, when accompanied by acts consistent with it, is certain to receive our support; but in this same connection, and strangely enough, the President says that we have become convinced that the German government as it now exists--"Prussian autocracy" he calls it--can never again maintain friendly relations with us. His expression is that "Prussian autocracy was not and could never be our friend," and repeatedly throughout the address the suggestion is made that if the German people would overturn their government, it would probably be the way to peace. So true is this that the dispatches from London all hailed the message of the President as sounding the death knell of Germany's government.

But the President proposes alliance with Great Britain, which, however liberty-loving its people, is a hereditary monarchy, with a hereditary ruler, with a hereditary House of Lords, with a hereditary landed system, with a limited and restricted suffrage for one class and a multiplied suffrage power for another, and with grinding industrial conditions for all the wageworkers. The President has not suggested that we make our support of Great Britain conditional to her granting home rule to Ireland, or Egypt, or India. We rejoice in the establishment of a democracy in Russia, but it will hardly be contended that if Russia was still an autocratic government, we would not be asked to enter this alliance with her just the same.

Italy and the lesser powers of Europe, Japan in the Orient; in fact, all the countries with whom we are to enter into alliance, except France and newly revolutionized Russia, are still of the old order--and it will be generally conceded that no one of them has done as much for its people in the solution of municipal problems and in securing social and industrial reforms as Germany.

Is it not a remarkable democracy which leagues itself with allies already far overmatching in strength the German nation and holds out to such beleaguered nation the hope of peace only at the price of giving up their government? I am not talking now of the merits or demerits of any government, but I am speaking of a profession of democracy that is linked in action with the most brutal and domineering use of autocratic power. Are the people of this country being so well-represented in this war movement that we need to go abroad to give other people control of their governments?

Will the President and the supporters of this war bill submit it to a vote of the people before the declaration of war goes into effect? Until we are willing to do that, it illy becomes us to offer as an excuse for our entry into the war the unsupported claim that this war was forced upon the German people by their government "without their previous knowledge or approval."

Who has registered the knowledge or approval of the American people of the course this Congress is called upon to take in declaring war upon Germany? Submit the question to the people, you who support it. You who support it dare not do it, for you know that by a vote of more than ten to one the American people as a body would register their declaration against it.

In the sense that this war is being forced upon our people without their knowing why and without their approval, and that wars are usually forced upon all peoples in the same way, there is some truth in the statement; but I venture to say that the response which the German people have made to the demands of this war shows that it has a degree of popular support which the war upon which we are entering has not and never will have among our people. The espionage bills, the conscription bills, and other forcible military measures which we understand are being ground out of the war machine in this country is the complete proof that those responsible for this war fear that it has no popular support and that armies sufficient to satisfy the demand of the Entente Allies cannot be recruited by voluntary enlistments. . . .

Now, I want to repeat: It was our absolute right as a neutral to ship food to the people of Germany. That is a position that we have fought for through all of our history. The correspondence of every secretary of state in the history of our government who has been called upon to deal with the rights of our neutral commerce as to foodstuffs is the position stated by Lord Salisbury. . . . He was in line with all of the precedents that we had originated and established for the maintenance of neutral rights upon this subject.

In the first days of the war with Germany, Great Britain set aside, so far as her own conduct was concerned, all these rules of civilized naval warfare.

According to the Declaration of London, as well as the rules of international law, there could have been no interference in trade between the United States and Holland or Scandinavia and other countries, except in the case of ships which could be proven to carry absolute contraband, like arms and ammunition, with ultimate German destination. There could have been no interference with the importation into Germany of any goods on the free list, such as cotton, rubber, and hides. There could have properly been no interference with our export to Germany of anything on the conditional contraband list, like flour, grain, and provisions, unless it could be proven by England that such shipments were intended for the use of the German Army. There could be no lawful interference with foodstuffs intended for the civilian population of Germany, and if those foodstuffs were shipped to other countries to be reshipped to Germany, no question could be raised that they were not intended for the use of the civilian population.

It is well to recall at this point our rights as declared by the Declaration of London and as declared without the Declaration of London by settled principles of international law, for we have during the present war become so used to having Great Britain utterly disregard our rights on the high seas that we have really forgotten that we have any, as far as Great Britain and her allies are concerned.

Great Britain, by what she called her modifications of the Declaration of London, shifted goods from the free list to the conditional contraband and contraband lists, reversed the presumption of destination for civilian population, and abolished the principle that a blockade to exist at all must be effective. . . .

It is not my purpose to go into detail into the violations of our neutrality by any of the belligerents. While Germany has again and again yielded to our protests, I do not recall a single instance in which a protest we have made to Great Britain has won for us the slightest consideration, except for a short time in the case of cotton. I will not stop to dwell upon the multitude of minor violations of our neutral rights, such as seizing our mails, violations of the neutral flag, seizing and appropriating our goods without the least warrant or authority in law, and impressing, seizing, and taking possession of our vessels and putting them into her own service.

I have constituents, American citizens, who organized a company and invested large sums of money in the purchase of ships to engage in foreign carrying. Several of their vessels plying between the United States and South America were captured almost in our own territorial waters, taken possession of by the British Government, practically confiscated, and put into her service or the service of her Admiralty. They are there today, and that company is helpless. When they appealed to our Department of State, they were advised that they might "file" their papers; and were given the further suggestion that they could hire an attorney and prosecute their case in the English Prize Court. The company did hire an attorney and sent him to England, and he is there now, and has been there for almost a year, trying to get some redress, some relief, some adjustment of those rights.

But those are individual cases. There are many others. All these violations have come from Great Britain and her allies, and are in perfect harmony with Briton's traditional policy as absolute master of the seas. . . .

The only reason why we have not suffered the sacrifice of just as many ships and just as many lives from the violation of our rights by the war zone and the submarine mines of Great Britain as we have through the unlawful acts of Germany in making her war zone in violation of our neutral rights is simply because we have submitted to Great Britain's dictation. If our ships had been sent into her forbidden highsea war zone as they have into the proscribed area Germany marked out on the high seas as a war zone, we would have had the same loss of life and property in the one case as in the other; but because we avoided doing that, in the case of England, and acquiesced in her violation of law, we have not only a legal but a moral responsibility for the position in which Germany has been placed by our collusion and cooperation with Great Britain. By suspending the rule with respect to neutral rights in Great Britain's case, we have been actively aiding her in starving the civil population of Germany. We have helped to drive Germany into a corner, her back to the wall to fight with what weapons she can lay her hands on to prevent the starving of her women and children, her old men and babes.

The flimsy claim which has sometimes been put forth that possibly the havoc in the North Sea was caused by German mines is too absurd for consideration. . . .

I find all the correspondence about the submarines of Germany; I find them arrayed; I find the note warning Germany that she would be held to a "strict accountability" for violation of our neutral rights; but you will search in vain these volumes for a copy of the British order in council mining the North Sea.

I am talking now about principles. You cannot distinguish between the principles which allowed England to mine a large area of the Atlantic Ocean and the North Sea in order to shut in Germany, and the principle on which Germany by her submarines seeks to destroy all shipping which enters the war zone which she has laid out around the British Isles.

The English mines are intended to destroy without warning every ship that enters the war zone she has proscribed, killing or drowning every passenger that cannot find some means of escape. It is neither more nor less than that which Germany tries to do with her submarines in her war zone. We acquiesced in England's action without protest. It is proposed that we now go to war with Germany for identically the same action upon her part. . . .

I say again that when two nations are at war any neutral nation, in order to preserve its character as a neutral nation, must exact the same conduct from both warring nations; both must equally obey the principles of international law. If a neutral nation falls in that, then its rights upon the high seas--to adopt the President's phrase--are relative and not absolute. There can be no greater violation of our neutrality than the requirement that one of two belligerents shall adhere to the settled principles of law and that the other shall have the advantage of not doing so. The respect that German naval authorities were required to pay to the rights of our people upon the high seas would depend upon the question whether we had exacted the same rights from Germany's enemies. If we had not done so, we lost our character as a neutral nation and our people unfortunately had lost the protection that belongs to neutrals. Our responsibility was joint in the sense that we must exact the same conduct from both belligerents. . . .

The failure to treat the belligerent nations of Europe alike, the failure to reject the unlawful "war zones" of both Germany and Great Britain is wholly accountable for our present dilemma. We should not seek to hide our blunder behind the smoke of battle, to inflame the mind of our people by half truths into the frenzy of war in order that they may never appreciate the real cause of it until it is too late. I do not believe that our national honor is served by such a course. The right way is the honorable way.

One alternative is to admit our initial blunder to enforce our rights against Great Britain as we have enforced our rights against Germany; demand that both those nations shall respect our neutral rights upon the high seas to the letter; and give notice that we will enforce those rights from that time forth against both belligerents and then live up to that notice.

The other alternative is to withdraw our commerce from both. The mere suggestion that food supplies would be withheld from both sides impartially would compel belligerents to observe the principle of freedom of the seas for neutral commerce.

http://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/intrel/doc19.htm
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005


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1917-1918: The Brazilian anarchist uprising

A short history of the attempted revolution in Brazil of 1918. The uprising failed when it was infiltrated by security forces, and the army did not join the side of the workers.

In 1918 Rio de Janeiro city was shaken by a series of events that would culminate in one the most important episodes in the history of the Brazilian workers movement: an attempted insurrectionary strike designed to bring down oligarchic republican government and replace it with workers’ and soldiers' councils.

From 1917 on, the class conscious Brazilian workers, particularly in Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo had been organising at an accelerated rate. In July that year, the capital of São Paulo state had ground to a halt due to a general strike triggered after the police murder of a young shoe maker, Antonio Martinez. For four days the city was turned into a battlefield with countless clashes between the workers and the security forces. In Rio de Janeiro, which was the national capital in those days, militants from the FORJ (Federação Operária do Rio de Janeiro - Rio de Janeiro Workers Federation) had been busy since the beginning of the year in a campaign against the cost of living and, from February on there had been rally after rally in spite of police bans. By May nearly 50 had been held.

Alongside this process the FORJ was carrying out painstaking work to organise and reorganise trade unions and by the middle of the year this was starting to bear fruit, with the establishment of the Civil Construction Workers Union (UOCC) on 4th April 1917 and the Textile Workers' Union (UOFT) on 8th April.

Brutal repression of the strike at the Corcovado Textile Plant in May and the tragic collapse of the New York Hotel on July 7th with the deaths of dozens of workers exasperated the carioca (meaning someone from Rio) workers. On July 17th 1917, after a gathering at the FORJ headquarters, the decision was made to go on strike. That strike quickly spread to a number of industries, strengthening the trade unions, which experienced dizzying growth from then on.

1918 opened under the shadow of the victorious revolution in Russia which triggered an irresistible wave of optimism and unrest in the conscious working class the world over. In January libertarian militants established the Rio de Janeiro Anarchist Alliance, a specific organisation designed for social propaganda. 1 March saw the establishment of the General Workers Union (UGT) to replace the FORJ which had been banned by the police after the general strike. In April, following a fortnight on strike, the shoemakers won the eight and a half hour working day. The carioca press started to speculate about a "planned general strike" and this drew a police crackdown on the UGT. With a state of siege decreed, the First of May was marked in trade union premises and in a big UGT-sponsored rally in the Theatro Maison Moderne in the Praça Tiradentes. A significant aspect of labour organisation that year was the establishment of countless suburban UGT branches for textile workers, metalworkers and construction workers. June and July saw countless strikes by cabinet-makers, marble workers, colliers, dockers and hat-makers, with several textile plants being brought to a standstill.

On 3rd August, a strike was called for better wages and shorter hours of the workforce of the Conpanhia Cantareira (shipbuilders) and the Viação Fluminense (trams); it eventually took on the character of an uprising following clashes between the populace and the security forces in the Rua da Conceição in Niterói. Several troopers from the army's 58th Chasseurs defected to the strikers, two of them being shot dead in the exchange of fire. This raised workers’ expectations of forging an alliance with the lower ranks of the armed forces, as had happened in Russia.

As the cost of living rose throughout the country there was an upsurge in strikes and demonstrations in virtually every state capital and industrial city. Again there were rumours of a general strike looming in Rio and this caused the upper echelons of the Republicans some concern. Meanwhile, in the city of Petrópolis in Rio state, the famished populace looted and fought with the police.

Disaster struck at the end of September. Rio was hit by the ghastly Spanish flu epidemic which claimed the lives of thousands of workers by the end of October. The police rounded up workers active on the Committee to Combat the Epidemic as the capitalist class and the authorities (including the health authorities) fled to the safety of the towns in the mountains. By November, the epidemic was easing off, but starvation continued to claim hundreds of lives, especially in the more remote suburbs.

The approaching uprising was presaged by a flurry of happenings and reports. The textile employers refused to heed the weavers' demands; the newspapers were filled with reports of the workers’ revolution in Germany, the ending of the First World War, and of Delfim Moreira standing in for the ailing elected President Rodrigues Alves on November 15.

On November 18th, the weavers declared a strike in the mills in Rio, Niterói, Petrópolis, Magé and Santo Aleixo simultaneously. The metalworkers and construction workers threw their weight behind it. In the mid-afternoon, strikers began to converge on the Campo de São Cristovão. The police ordered them to disperse and tried to arrest the more agitated workers. The workers retaliated and shooting started. Two bombs went off at the police station and the crowds invaded the premises. Shortly after that, troops intervened to clear the police station and scatter the workers who were attempting to invade the army stores. The fighting spread into neighbouring streets and further cavalry charges scattered the rebels. Here there is something of a controversy: Edgar Rodrigues, in his 1972 book based on depositions from militants, argues that the workers, having learned from a captain that the uprising had been betrayed, kept things low key. According to Rodrigues, given that the government was ready for it, the uprising was doomed in advance.

Be that as it may, the soldiers' treachery and failure to go over to the rebels put paid to the plans painstakingly worked out over months. The details of those plans were known in advance to the police and army. One serviceman, Lieutenant Jorge Elias Ajus, had infiltrated the movement and taken part in all of the meetings and was even placed in charge of the rebellion's military strategy. The plan was that after capturing the army's stores, the workers and mutinous soldiers would make for the city centre and attack the prefecture, Police Headquarters and the barracks of the Police Brigade. Meanwhile, workers from the southern zone were to attack the Palácio do Catete and the Chamber of Deputies, after which the establishment of a Workers' and Soldiers' Council would be proclaimed.

In the early evening of November 18th all of the movement's "ringleaders" - José Oticica, Manuel Campos, Astrojildo Pereira, Carlos Dias, Alvaro Palmeira, José Elias da Silva, João da Costa Pimenta and Agripino Nazaré - were arrested. Almost 200 people were arrested; anarchist militants, workers (anarchist or otherwise) and "suspects". At the gates of the Confiaça factory, police killed the weaver Manuel Martins and wounded another who died a few days later. The funeral procession, even though banned, was escorted by hundreds of workers. In spite of violent repression, the weavers' metalworkers' and construction workers' strike dragged on for a further two weeks. On 20th November the repression led to the closure of these unions' premises and on 22nd November the UGT was disbanded by order of the federal government.

The 1918 uprising was no starry-eyed adventure of little consequence; it was an attempt by the workers themselves to affect their liberation, based on their own experiences of struggle and organisation and their desire to see the yearned for social revolution made a reality.

http://libcom.org/history/1918-brazilian-anarchist-uprising
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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BerichtGeplaatst: 03 Apr 2011 18:25    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Bartrum Choate, a 12-year-old boy driving colts to town.

Photograph by Lewis Wickes Hine, 4 April 1917.
From the National Child Labor Committee Collection at the Library of Congress

http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Lewis_Hine,_Bartrum_Choate,_12_years_old,_driving_colts_to_town,_Lawton,_Oklahoma,_1917.jpg
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005


Laatst aangepast door Percy Toplis op 04 Apr 2018 8:47, in totaal 1 keer bewerkt
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BerichtGeplaatst: 03 Apr 2011 18:28    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Resolution of the workers of the Petrograd Pipe Factory, printed 4 April 1917

Мы, рабочие 3-й мастерской Петроградскаго Трубочнаго завода, собравшиеся
в количестве 2600 человек, глубоко возмущены той травлей со стороны буржу-
азной печати и всяких тёмных личностей, которыя, стараясь посеять вражду
между рабочими и солдатами, говорят, что рабочие не работают, а только тре-
буют увеличения заработной платы и 8-мичасового рабочего дня. Это, товари-
щи солдаты, неправда. Мы понимаем серьёзность переживаемаго момента и
зная, что там в сырых окопах сидят наши братья и отцы, защищая Свободную
Великую Россию, мы готовы работать не 8, а 12 часов и больше, если только
будет нужно и будет металл, материал и топливо. Мы вас, товарищи солдаты,
просим не верить всяким провокационным слухам, а избирать делегации и
посылать к нам на заводы. Мы вас введём в курс дела нашей работы. Только
этим путём можно убедиться, что вся поднятая травля – не что иное, как жела-
ние разъединить тесную связь между солдатами и рабочими.

С товарищеским приветом рабочие 3-й мастерской.

Председатель собрания: Ф. Голахов.
Секретарь: И. Гаврилов.

Ze winden er geen doekjes om... http://www.yale.edu/annals/Steinberg/Documents/Steinberg9.htm
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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The Elmira Advertiser, Wednesday Morning, April 4, 1917, Page 2

COMPANY L MEMBERS ARE READY FOR CALL
Men Are in Good Spirits and Believe Order to Mobilize Will Be Received in Few Days Time
.

When will Company L be called out?
This is a question that is being asked frequently in Elmira these days. As yet, Major Turnbull has heard nothing regarding the mobilizing of the Third Regiment, of which Company L is a part.
All of the members are practically ready to leave at any time and it is the belief in some circles that the company will be called out before the end of the week.
One Elmiran, in a position to know, told an Advertiser reporter he believed the entire National Guard of all the States would be called into the Federal service within the next five weeks.
During the past week, regiments in other States have been called out one at a time and it is thought the government will soon call out the balance of the guard in New York State.
Word received here last night from Rochester says it is predicted there that the Third Infantry will be ordered to entrain at any moment for Niagara Falls or New York City. There is also a possibility of the regiment being sent to Albany.
The 71st Regiment of New York City which was mustered into Federal service recently left Sunday night for some point up State. But its actual destination has not been divulged.
Buffalo has called for help in protecting its industries and it is thought that as soon as Congress takes action units of the National Guard will be sent there to assist in patrol duty.
Major Turnbull said last night that he had heard nothing from headquarters. The men are all in first class condition and good spirits and are ready for the call.
The regular weekly drill was held at the Armory last night and the company presented an excellent appearance, going through the exercises with the precision of regular army men.

http://www.joycetice.com/military/elad0417.htm
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"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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The Call: "The BSP Conference"
Source: The Call, April 4, 1918

The Seventh Annual Conference of the British Socialist Party met at Leeds on Easter Sunday and Monday. Owing to the increasing difficulty of travel a large number of the delegates had not arrived at the opening of the Conference, but, nevertheless, there was a considerable attendance when Fred Shaw, of Huddersfield, as Chairman, opened the proceedings.

The Chairman’s Speech

At the very beginning, Shaw struck the note that the Conference responded to repeatedly during its deliberations. He said that whilst at the commencement of the war the friends of International Socialism had been shaken and discouraged by the divisions within the Socialist movement which the war had caused, there was no longer any room for doubt as to the early resuscitation with greater strength of the workers’ movement which provided the guarantees of permanent peace. The war was the outcome of capitalism, which in recent years had so expanded that the forces of its own creation escaped from the control of those few among the capitalist class who would have maintained the peace. For years, the capitalists of all industrial countries had accumulated wealth they were compelled to invest or use abroad, and at last the storm arising from their conflict broke upon the heads of men. The millions who suffered from this war were the fruit of that conflict for the private gain of the different national groups of financial capitalists. The war had yielded untold wealth to the owners of the means of production. They looked to the coming peace to provide more harmonious relations between Labour and Capital. They had visions of a more efficient labouring class so productive that an Aladdin’s cave of wealth and delight were made free, not for labour, but for the possessors of the means of life. Despite their democratic professions their distrust of working-class democracy was shown by their hatred of the Russian Revolution. Every slander that could be coined, every falsehood that could be fabricated by the enemies of Socialism had been hurled at the Bolsheviks. While refusing to recognise the Bolshevik administration, approved by the overwhelming mass of Russians, the British Government did not hesitate to declare that the Bolsheviks must accept liability to British investors for the loans contracted by the Czar. When a people did not borrow, the people rightly objected to pay. The British Socialist Party wished success to the Bolsheviks, was in hearty sympathy with their methods for the re-organisation of Russia, and congratulated them upon their efforts on behalf of a peace imposed by the workers of all nations.

The International

The Conference passed on to consider the Report of the Executive Committee, and on the lengthy section dealing with the International. John Maclean raised a protest against the Labour Party’s efforts to exclude the B.S.P. and the I.L.P. from the International Conference. He maintained that there could be no adequate representation of British opinion on Internationalist questions if the Socialist organisations were excluded. Mrs. Montetiore, Roberts, of Openshaw, and E.C. Fairchild supported the protest, the latter remarking that when the British section met Huysmans, the Secretary of the International Socialist Bureau, at Nottingham in January last, Huysmans contended that the British Labour Party had no power to decide the basis of representation at the International, that the Socialist bodies should send their delegates, and that the International Conference as a whole would then decide the question of admission.

The Absent Friends

On the section of the Report dealing with our imprisoned members, Mulholland referred to the case of comrade Shammes, John Maclean’s Secretary, who had been spirited away from Glasgow by the authorities for deportation. J.F. Hodgson said that, whilst according our recognition to bravery on the battlefield, we had as high a regard for the bravery of those who made the great refusal to bear arms in this war. Roberts held we were too lukewarm in our recognition of the service rendered by the Socialist objectors.

After the acceptance of the Executive’s Report, which also dealt with the Party’s activities on the question of the Food Supply, the Leeds Convention, the United Socialist Council, our Parliamentary candidatures, and many other matters, letters were read from Maxim Litvinoff, the Plenipotentiary of the Russian People’s Government, and comrade Serrati, Editor of “Avanti,” conveying greetings to the B.S.P.

War

On the motion of the delegate of the N.-West Ham Branch it was resolved:—

“That this Conference of the B.S.P., in the fourth year of the world carnage, reaffirms its unshaken fidelity to the cause of international working class solidarity, and extends to the workers of all lands its comradeship .and goodwill. It applauds the publication of the secret treaties by the Bolshevik Government of Russia as revealing definite proof of the Imperialist-Capitalist aims of both groups of belligerents, and calls upon the workers everywhere to insist upon the publication of all treaties entered into by their respective Governments. The Conference declares that the moment has arrived for the workers of the various countries to enforce their demands for facilities to enable their representatives to attend the forthcoming International Socialist Conference, as the only means which really democratic and lasting peace can be established.”

A.A. Watts, in seconding, pointed out that the Russian Government was the first to take definite steps to transfer the land and capital or any nation into its people’s hands. Fairchild maintained that let the Labour Movement of any country be ever so constitutional and given to action in accord with law and order, the day would come when the is workers would be forced to take hold of power by summary methods its had been the case in Russia.

In speaking in support of the following resolution, which was also carried, John Maclean urged that the workers must consider the efficacy of an international strike in order to prevent war:—

“Recognising that wars are a direct product of International Capitalism, this Conference places on record its conviction that it is in the best interests of Socialism and the working-class movement to oppose all wars, whilst reserving the right to use all means in establishing Socialism. It therefore calls upon all bodies affiliated to the International Socialist Bureau to declare their inflexible determination to refuse their assistance to their respective Governments on the outbreak of future hostilities, either by voting supplies, working in munition factories or by participation in the fighting. This Conference instructs the Executive committee to bring this resolution before the International Socialist Conference with a view to making it the policy of the International Socialist movement. ”

MeLaine argued that the Government had itself destroyed every vestige of constitutional guarantees. In the capitalist interest the Parliamentary machine was destroyed. We had no preference for Westminster. We would as gladly have a Convention in Leeds as the Central Authority established by the workers. We should have recourse to every form of political and industrial action to achieve our aim, and we must not hesitate to use force if that were necessary.

Ireland, India, Egypt

Mrs. D.B. Montefiore, in moving the Central and South Hackney resolution:—

“That this Conference calls upon the working class to bring pressure to bear upon the Government to prove the sincerity of its professed desire to liberate oppressed peoples by making immediate preparations for granting self-determination to Ireland, India and Egypt, and to put an end to its persecution of religious and political prisoners by granting them immediate release,”

said the resolution would test the Government sincerity, The land question was still the great cause of discontent in Ireland. In Egypt the fellaheen and his child worked in the cotton mills for British capitalists under conditions that prevailed in Lancashire before the days of the Factory Acts. India was still the heritage of the soldier and the civil servant, while the ryot lived in misery. Murray (Sheffield) said that the treatment of Ireland had been a national disgrace; whilst that continued it was hypocrisy for Britain to speak of freedom for small nationalities. Socialism would prove to be a practical friend of the Irish people. Mrs. Walker (Liverpool) said that Britain’s peculiar interest in small nations was due to her difficulty in dealing with larger nationalities. The resolution was carried unanimously.

The I.S.B.

Albert Ward moved: “That the Executive Committee at once take steps for the re-construction of the International Socialist Bureau.” Ward held that had the Stuttgart Congress Resolution been adhered to by European Socialists the war would long since have ended. The resolution was carried by 108 votes to 2 against.

Palestine and the Jews

J. Wolfe, on behalf of the Jewish Social Democratic organisation, moved:—
“This Conference recognises the international character of the Jewish question and considers that it cannot be solved by the formation of a Jewish state in Palestine, which is in itself Utopian, and by raising false hopes and unrealisable aspirations amongst the Jewish workers, obscures the real issue of their class interests and makes their struggle doubly hard. The Conference is of opinion that the solution of the Jewish question, as that of all national questions in territories where the population is not homogenous, lies not only in the granting of complete civil equality to the Jews in all countries, but also their right to national self-determination in such countries where they demand it, i.e., autonomy in such matters as education and culture generally, and the right to use their own language in all legislative and administrative institutions, in schools, courts of law, etc., including the appointment of Jewish-speaking judges, teachers, and other functionaries.

“Further, while in conformity with the general principle, of internationalism, the Conference demands the removal of all measures restricting immigration and colonisation of the Jews as of all peoples, in Palestine as in all countries, it emphatically repudiates the right of the Allies forcibly to annex Palestine from Turkey so as to turn it into a so-called ‘independent’ Jewish State, as such an act is opposed to the principles of non-annexation and the self-determination of nationalities accepted by the international democracy, more especially since the Jews form but an insignificant minority of the population of Palestine, and its fate must be decided by the inhabitants of Palestine itself. The Conference sees in the declaration of Mr. Balfour a veiled attempt at the annexation of Palestine, and also a means to enlist the assistance of the Jews the world over for the Imperialist ends of Great Britain and its Allies.

“Finally, the Conference declares that it is the imperative duty of the working classes of all nations to fight against anti-Semitism with all the means in their power, as by so doing they will be fighting reaction in its worst manifestation, and the Conference is of opinion that a powerful Jewish Labour Movement and the complete unity of the Jewish proletariat with that of the rest of the International is the most potent weapon in the struggle against this race hatred and antagonism which will be finally eradicated with the final triumph of the proletariat, the establishment of international Socialism.

In seconding, H. Alexander stated his entire agreement with the opposition to the proposals of annexation advanced by the Government under cover of the plea that the Jews were to be protected. He held that the Jews should be free to consult with the Sultan for the acquisition of racial autonomy in Palestine. J. Fineberg, in reply, said that the Zionists advised other people to go to Palestine. The Russian Revolution had shown the true solution of the Jewish problem. No new nationalist ideas should be aroused. There could be no Greater Jewry. Though both suffered oppression, there was no unity between the Jewish capitalist and the Jewish workman. The latter must ally himself with the workers in the country in which he lives.

Russian Revolution

The resolution of the Walthamstow Branch on the Russian Revolution as follows:—

“This Conference of the British Socialist Party welcomes the Russian Revolution, and assures the Bolshevik Government of its hearty goodwill and support. At the same time it desires to urge upon the Socialist and Labour Movement in all countries affiliated to the International, the urgent need of giving immediate support to the Government of the revolutionary workers of Russia, and to warn the capitalist Governments that no interference with the affairs of the Russian workers will be tolerated by the International working class. It urges that an early meeting of the International should be held to bring about a workers’ peace, and to take steps to re-organise the nations under the control .of the working class,”

was supported by J.F. Hodgson, who said that Trotsky had attempted to drive a wedge between the workers and the governing class. His efforts resulted in the Austro-German strikes. The Russian Revolution had driven a wedge between the Reformists and the Internationalists in the Socialist Movement. All working-class hope centred on Russia. The Revolution had released a cataract of intellectual life, and we could safely depend upon the inventive genius of Russia freed from the incubus of capitalism.

Reconstruction

On behalf of the Executive Committee, E.C. Fairchild moved:

“This Conference holds that it is the imperative duty of the organised workers to aim at the social-democratic ownership and control of industry in order to secure that the machinery of production and distribution is utilised for the welfare of all. It declares that the molten condition of society, and tremendous advance in State and private organisation of industry resulting from the operations of war, afford the best occasion for the workers to impress their will upon society, and to give full and free expression to their aims and aspirations. Unless immediate, bold, and drastic action is taken by the whole organised working class, the return of peace will plunge the wage-earning population into the miseries of an intensified capitalism. This Conference therefore urges upon the Socialist, and Labour Parties of all countries to co-ordinate their political and industrial forces and concentrate their energies for the purpose of winning complete economic and social freedom for the democracy.”

Fairchild contended that unless the workers moved definitely towards common ownership they would find that on the ending of the war the employers would make peace more profitable than war had been, and that the vaunted reconstruction schemes were framed to strengthen capitalism’s hold on labour. Lewington (Kentish Town) referred to the workers’ changed outlook due to the altered conditions of the workshop.

Shop Committees

In moving the Resolution below, which was carried, F. Shaw said that the Shop Stewards movement was the direct result of the closer organisation of capital. Before those combinations the craft Unions were practically powerless, and the Shop Stewards movement represented a necessary stage in development towards a form of workers’ organisation fitted for the intensified production of to-day.

“This Conference welcomes the Shop Stewards Movement as a change in working-class organisation rendered essential by altered conditions of capitalist production, and holds that the shop committees which give the rank and file ready means for the discussion and settlement of works administration should not be inconsistent with that centralised organisation of labour requisite for the effective resistance of consolidated capital.

“The Conference, however, warns the Labour movement against the danger of attempts by the governing class, by means of such proposals as those embodied in the Whitley Report and paraded as concessions to the demand for the control of industry, to turn aside the Shops Committees from their function of organising the workers in defence of their class interests.”

“Furthermore, whilst regarding the Shop Committee composed of representatives of all trades within the works as a sound departure from the folly find formerly divided the workers into crafts, each with its own special interests to protect, this Conference points out that in a society where the means of production are used for profit, the actual control of industry will remain with those who own the capital, negotiate contracts, and select markets and materials. The true control and direction of industry in the interests of the working class can only be attained in the Social Democratic community, vesting in the people collectively the ownership of the means of life.”

W. Padley looked to the Shop Stewards movement for the abolition of piece work, and for turning the managers of the big industrial establishments into more generously disposed persons than they usually were, unless forced to be so.

Industrial Unionism, the Labour Party, Socialist Unity
The greater part of Monday’s sitting was devoted to matters of internal organisation and party policy. During the morning session Alexander announced that the Executive readily accepted the Openshaw resolution calling for the appointment of organisers.

An animated discussion, in which Albert Ward was able to urge his case for class or Socialist. Unionism as opposed to Industrial Unionism, arose upon the following resolution prepared by the Standing Orders Committee in place of the resolution on the agenda:-

“This Conference declares that no form of industrial organisation can be effective unless it is based upon the complete recognition of the class struggle and has Socialism for its objective. The British Socialist Party advocates industrial unionism as a class-conscious weapon for the workers to fight the capitalist class.”

Ward; however, did not win the day, the Resolution being carried by 101 votes to 10 against.

Probably the best debate of the Conference arose on the North-West Ham proposal to cease our affiliation to the National Labour Party, Mulholland, Cocker, Roberts, John Maclean, and Ward spoke in favour of secession: Gath, Fineberg, W.S. Stott and Fairchild spoke as strongly in support of remaining in the Labour Party. Eventually the Elland amendment: “Seeing that a referendum of all B.S.P. members was taken re-affiliating to the Labour Party, that decision shall not be altered until another referendum is taken” was carried by 102 to 17 against.

An important resolution by the Openshaw Branch setting out “…. that the time has arrived for the co-operation of all active Socialist forces, whatever their constitutional differences,” was moved in an excellent speech by Roberts, and was carried by 89 votes to 2 against.

Greetings were conveyed by telegram from the Socialist Sunday School Union in Conference .at Bradford and by letter from members of the B.S.P. at Dartmoor.

The election of the Executive Committee for the ensuing year resulted in the return of F.W. Llewellyn, John Maclean, J. Fineberg, J.F. Hodgson, Mrs. D.B. Montefiore, Albert Ward, C. Dukes, F. Shaw, G. Deer.

Sheffield was selected as the town for next year’s Conference.

http://www.marxists.org/history/international/social-democracy/call/1918/04.htm
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"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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BerichtGeplaatst: 03 Apr 2011 19:01    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Memorial rediscovered after 80 years

A memorial from the Great War has been found while clearing out a cellar in Ross-on Wye. It commemorates the life of Wilfrid John Massey Lynch, Lieutenant in the 3rd Dragoon Guards who was killed in action on 4th April 1918 at the battle of the Avre, the Somme, France. He was 25 years old.

The existence of this memorial has been known for many years, as it was originally in an old church in Ross-on-Wye, Herefordshire and probably erected there in the 1920s. It disappeared sometime after the new church of St. Frances of Rome was built in 1931.

There are several other memorials to Wilfrid. One is coupled with his brother-in-law, Lieutenant F. T. Harris in All Saints Church in the Trees at Bishopswood, which is a few miles from Ross-on-Wye. Another exists in St Joseph’s Church, Blundellsands, Liverpool. He is also remembered on the Pozieres Memorial, Somme, France. The recently discovered memorial is a brass plaque measuring 24 inches x 12 inches (610 x 305 mm) and has been recorded by UKNIWM. I hope to get the plaque refurbished and installed in St Frances of Rome Church, and also have it rededicated and blessed at a ceremony this year.

Wilfrid was born on 28 September 1893 in Seaforth, Liverpool. He went to Stonyhurst School near Clitheroe in Lancashire. His father expected him to work in banking which he did for two years with the Bank of Liverpool. Commercial life however did not suit him, and he decided to move south and took up a job as a trainee farmer at Great Howle, near Ross-on-Wye where he met the farmer’s daughter Gwendoline Harris. They got married in July 1914, and soon after they sailed for south east Australia where Wilfrid set up a fruit farm. Their only child, Lisle was born here. In 1916 he decided to return to Liverpool and enlisted in the army. He got a commission with the 3rd Dragoon Guards, as a Lieutenant to serve King and Country. He was wounded with shell shock in 10th January 1918, and later rejoined his regiment on the 29th January 1918. He was killed on 4th April 1918.

I knew his daughter Lisle, and her two cousins, who gave me a lot of information about Wilfrid. Other information has been obtained from The Stonyhurst Association and the National Archives. Lisle never married and her two married cousins did not have any male children, so the family name of Massey-Lynch will be lost after this generation.

http://ukniwm.wordpress.com/2011/03/22/memorial-rediscovered-after-80-years/
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005


Laatst aangepast door Percy Toplis op 04 Apr 2018 8:48, in totaal 1 keer bewerkt
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BerichtGeplaatst: 03 Apr 2011 19:07    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Francesco Marto

Francesco Marto (Aljustrel bij Fátima, 11 juni 1908 - 4 april 1919). Hij is het oudere broertje van Jacinta. Francesco is een rustige en stille jongen. Bij de eerste verschijningen in Fátima in 1917, is hij de enige die niets hoort. Na de daarop volgende verschijningen wordt hij steeds stiller en begint zich terug te trekken. Hij is meer onder de indruk van "het licht waarin hij God ziet" , dan in de uiterlijke schoonheid bij verschijning. Hij bidt veel en alleen.

Samen met zijn zusje Jacinta en nichtje Lucia dos Santos heeft hij veel moeten lijden. Tot in de gevangenis toe. Daar vinden de kinderen steun in het bidden van de rozenkrans en roepen de medegevangen op om gezamenlijk te bidden. In al zijn lijden dat hij als een volwassene heeft moeten ondergaan zijn Francesco en Jacinta steeds kind gebleven. De ondeugden die elk kind in zich draagt hebben zij met volle teugen genoten. Beiden stierven aan de Spaanse griep in 1919.

Op 13 mei 1999 werd hij samen met zijn zusje Jacinta zalig verklaard. Zijn feestdag is 20 februari (samen met zijn zus) en op 4 april.

http://nl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Francesco_Marto
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005


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BerichtGeplaatst: 03 Apr 2011 19:09    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Jews and Bolshevism

Amongst themselves, the Jews are quite candid about their sympathy for and involvement in Bolshevism.

On 4 April 1919 the Jewish Chronicle: "There is much in the fact of Bolshevism itself, in the fact that so many Jews are Bolshevists, in the fact that the ideals of Bolshevism at many points are consonant with the finest ideals of Judaism."

(Perhaps this explains why the Red Army uses a Jewish star as its symbol?)

Probably the best-known exposé of the Jewish role in the Bolshevik coup d'état was by Sir Winston Churchill, writing in the Illustrated Sunday Herald of 8 February 1920. Churchill wrote "With the notable exception of Lenin, the majority of leading figures are Jews. Moreover the principal inspiration and the driving power comes from Jewish leaders."

http://www.heretical.com/miscellx/bolshies.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 03 Apr 2011 19:15    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Tampa's Plant Field, April 4, 1919: The spring training home run that changed baseball history...forever!

With one swing of the bat on an April afternoon in 1919 in Tampa, George Herman "Babe" Ruth changed the course of American sports history.

As pitcher for the Boston Red Sox from 1915 to 1918, Ruth had emerged as the American League's premier left-hander, winning 78 games and leading his team to two World Series titles.
But Babe loved to hit and wanted to play every day. Team owner Harry Frazee disagreed.

When the team arrived in Tampa for spring training in March of 1919, Ruth wasn't among them, holding out for $15,000--an unheard of salary. And he wanted to play outfield, not pitch.

With the rest of the team in Tampa, Frazee and Ruth met in New York and came to terms: $10,000 a year for three years...but Ruth would stay on the mound. Babe signed, then caught the midnight train to Tampa.

He arrived in time for Boston's first exhibition game, on Friday, April 4 against the New York Giants, to be played at Plant Field, located on the site of the current McKay Auditorium at the University of Tampa. Bases had been laid out on the vast grounds of a racetrack.

At 4:15pm Friday, Billy Sunday, the nation's leading evangelist, threw out the ceremonial first pitch. (Sunday, himself a former big leaguer, was in town for a tent revival).

Ruth led off the bottom of the second. Giants pitcher George Smith hurled a fastball down the middle. Gripping the bat so far down the handle his right pinky actually hung off the butt-end, like a society matron sipping tea, the Babe swung and the ball rocketed toward right field. Giants outfielder Ross Youngs turned and ran, but halfway to the fence he stopped. The ball was still climbing. It bounced clear across the race track and rolled to a stop. A youngster retrieved the ball.

After the game, won by Boston 5 to 3, sportswriters asked Youngs to show them where Ruth's ball had come to rest. Laboriously, the writers paced the distance back to home plate.

The phrase "tape-measure shot" hadn't been invented yet, but it soon would be. The blast measured somewhere between 587 to 600 feet. Even Giants' manager John McGraw, a crusty old bird not given to hyperbole, called it "the longest ball I've ever seen hit."

It was the longest ball anyone could ever remember seeing hit. And by a pitcher! Later that evening, the ball--signed by Babe and Barrow--was presented to Billy Sunday at his tent.

Headlines in Saturday's Tampa Tribune screamed: "RUTH DRIVES GIANTS TO DEFEAT AND MAKES 'EM DRINK, TOO, B'GADS." The reporter, calling Ruth's homer a "wallop stupendous," wrote: "The Giants were still marveling last night. Many of them have never seen the Tarzan
perform since he annexed his slugging habits."

Monday, April 7, the Red Sox broke camp and headed north, barnstorming along the way with games in Gainesville, Winston-Salem, Charleston. In every town, huge crowds buzzed about mighty Babe and his blast. Frazee was becoming convinced: Babe needed to play every day.

During the 1919 season Babe pitched 17 games, but it was his final season on the mound. Playing outfield for Boston on days he didn't pitch, Ruth hit an astounding 29 home runs. That may not seem like much to today's fan. But consider: Before 1919, the single-season record for homers was 24, held by Gabby Cravath of the Philadelphia Phillies. In 1920, playing every day, Babe hit more homers (54) than any entire team in the American League! By the time he retired in 1935, Ruth had hit more homers than any man in the game's history.

Plant Stadium was razed in 2002 and replaced with a modern edifice, but a plaque on campus commemorates that historic swing of the bat on an April afternoon in Tampa, a swing that transformed the legend of Babe Ruth--and American sports--forever.

http://floridahistorian3.blogspot.com/2008/05/tampas-plant-field-april-4-1919-spring.html
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005


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BerichtGeplaatst: 03 Apr 2011 19:17    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Letters between Sylvester and Eva, April 1919

April 4, 1919

Dearest,

We have practically completed our work here to day. I have been up to the hospital to see what men are there and have striven to get in touch with everything that has happened to any of the companies here or any of their personnel.

This evening I have been to one of the old movie houses I used to go to for the sake of whiling my time away while stationed here. Tomorrow we start off for Tours, the big headquarters of the S.O.S., where my Co. D is stationed.

Goodnight again. Lots of love for my girlie.

Sylvester.

http://www.cromwellbutlers.com/sbel0419.htm
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Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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BerichtGeplaatst: 04 Apr 2018 8:58    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

WW1 Red Cross Nurse's Diary: April 4th 1918

Amy W Billam was looking after wounded troops at a hospital in Le Havre, northern France.

Lezen! http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p01w6mc7/p01wpp2c
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BerichtGeplaatst: 04 Apr 2018 9:02    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Journal Entry – Wednesday April 4th 1916 – Kelly House - Margaret’s WW1 Diary

There have been Air Raids three nights running on the E. Coast. Friday, Saturday & Sunday & one Zeppelin was brought down & wrecked in the sea & the crew taken prisoner all except one poor young officer who was left behind to blow up the Zepp so that is couldn’t fall into our hands.
John has had a notice this morning calling him to join up also W Guest both of whom did not pass the medical last Autumn owing to their chest measurements not being big enough.
Albert Balsdon also had a notice but he has to say when his 19th birthday is, no doubt he will have to go too in a fortnight’s time.


http://kelly-house.co.uk/journal-entry-sunday-april-4th-1916/

Journal Entry – Wednesday April 4th 1917 – Kelly House - Margaret’s WW1 Diary

Winter back again. All last week the wind was bitter & on Thursday morning there was snow. Every day since it has snowed & on Monday, Tuesday extra special line in snowstorms, with high wind.
Father has had a very nasty cold, being on the for more than a week & children also have colds.
Yesterday I went to Exeter to meet Nicholas, had a perilous journey to the station, the snow balled in the Abbots hoofs, Wilcox had to lead him down the steep hill. At Exeter had only two hours.
Went to Number One hospital, saw Bert Clogg. He is getting on very slowly. Had lunch at 30 E.S. may be very adorable, she can walk now, but was too astonished at my appearance to speak.
Rob W may be called up any time now, although why no one knows. The same hopeless muddle is going on over the doctors as the clergy. The OC of number one hospital, Mr Candler who was a skilled surgeon has been removed from his work as head of the hospital where he has been since it was started in 1914 & sent to Blackpool where he is now drilling & forming fours etc which any fool can do.
I met M at Queen Street & bought him safely home. Snow fell heavily the whole way from Tavistock.
This morning we see in the paper that Pres Wilson has declared for war against Germany. He made a wonderful speech, in Congress & now it rests with the latter to declare war. Wilson says that America is coming in on the side of humanity.


http://kelly-house.co.uk/journal-entry-wednesday-april-4th-1917/
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005


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BerichtGeplaatst: 04 Apr 2018 9:05    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

WARREN G. HARDING PRESIDENCY - April 4, 1917: The Republic Must Awaken

My countrymen, the surpassing war of all times has involved us, and found us utterly unprepared in either a mental or military sense. The Republic must awaken. The people must understand. Our safety lies in full realization the fate of the nation and the safety of the world will be decided on the western battlefront of Europe.

Primarily the American Republic has entered the war in defense of its national rights. If we did not defend we could not hope to endure. Other big issues are involved but the maintained rights and defended honor of a righteous nation includes them all. Cherishing the national rights the fathers fought to establish, and loving freedom and civilization, we should have violated every tradition and sacrificed every inheritance if we had longer held aloof from the armed conflict which is to make the world safe for civilization. More, we are committed to sacrifice in battle in order to make America safe for Americans and establish their security on every lawful mission on the high seas or under the shining sun.

We are testing popular government's capacity for self-defense. We are resolved to liberate the soul of American life and prove ourselves an American people in fact, spirit, and purpose, and consecrate ourselves anew and everlastingly to human freedom and humanity's justice. Realizing our new relationship with the world, we want to make it fit to live in, and with might and fright and ruthlessness and barbarity crushed by the conscience of a real civilization. Ours is a small concern about the kind of government any people may choose, but we do mean to outlaw the nation which violates the sacred compacts of international relationships.

The decision is to be final. If the Russian failure should become the tragic impotency of nations--if Italy should yield to the pressure of military might--if heroic France should be martyred on her flaming altars of liberty and justice and only the soul of heroism remain--if England should starve and her sacrifices and resolute warfare should prove in vain--if all these improbable disasters should attend, even then we should fight on and on, making the world's cause our cause.

A republic worth living in is worth fighting for, and sacrificing for, and dying for. In the fires of this conflict we shall wipe out the disloyalty of those who wear American garb without the faith, and establish a new concord of citizenship and a new devotion, so that we should have made a safe America the home and hope of a people who are truly American in heart and soul.

https://millercenter.org/the-presidency/presidential-speeches/april-4-1917-republic-must-awaken ... De speech is hier ook te beluisteren!
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Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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BerichtGeplaatst: 04 Apr 2018 9:13    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

PUNCH, OR THE LONDON CHARIVARI - Vol. 152 - April 4th, 1917.

Punch's Roll of Honour.
WE record with deep regret the death from pneumonia of Captain HARRY NEVILLE GITTINS, R.G.A., on Active Service. He was a member of the Territorials before the outbreak of war, and, after serving two years at home, went out to France in August of last year. His light-hearted contributions to Punch will be greatly missed.

https://www.gutenberg.org/files/14974/14974-h/14974-h.htm
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