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Percy Toplis



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BerichtGeplaatst: 26 Mrt 2018 8:44    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Battle of Rosières (Operation Michael). A 6-inch Mark VII gun of the Royal Garrison Artillery in action near Hedauville, 26 March 1918.

Foto... https://www.iwm.org.uk/collections/item/object/205244470

Infantry of the New Zealand Division and Whippet tanks advancing through Maillet Mailly 26 March 1918.

En nog een... http://www.iwmprints.org.uk/image/1100151/mclellan-d-2nd-lt-infantry-of-the-new-zealand-division-and-whippet-tanks-advancing-through-maillet-mailly-26-march-1918
Van daaruit ruime doorklikmogelijkheden!

Route march 1st Bn, 2nd C.O.R. Hamilton, Can, Mar 26, 1918.

Postcard depicts soldiers from the 1st Battalion and the 2nd C.O.R. exiting through the Rolph Gate at Dundurn Park heading onto York Street on a route march, 26 March 1918.

https://www.flickr.com/photos/hpllocalhistory/37354229904

Photographic copy of photograph, photographer unknown, 26 March 1915: "View of control dam after failure."

'Burger'-fotootje... http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/wa0419.photos.203959p/
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005


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BerichtGeplaatst: 26 Mrt 2018 8:49    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

ERNST PAULEIT / MARCH 26, 1918 / NOCHMALS NACH DEM NORDEN (CAMBRAI) 20.1.18-26.3.18

Als ich aus der Narkose erwachte, lag ich im Bett und harrte der Dinge, die kommen würden. Bei der Operation war zwar der Granatsplitter entfernt worden – aber besser wurde es damit nicht. Die Wundschmerzen steigerten sich bis ins Unerträgliche. Dieses und vielleicht auch der tägliche starke Zuwachs an weiteren Verwundeten waren zweifellos die Ursache, dass ich nach 5 Tagen – am 26.3.1918 – mit dem Lazarettzug nach der Heimat abdampfte.

http://www.vierzehnachtzehn.de/26-3-1918/
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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BerichtGeplaatst: 26 Mrt 2018 8:54    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

James Bailey, Private 291810, 7th Royal Welsh Fusiliers, formerly Cheshire Regiment 3956 - Killed in action 26th March 1917 in Gaza, Palestine, aged 21

EARLY LIFE - James Bailey was born in Macclesfield on 23 October 1895, the son of Mary and James Bailey (snr), a greengrocer hawker of 11 Gunco Lane. In November 1901, James and his younger brother Thomas were enrolled at London Road school, the family having moved to 17 Gunco Lane. The register notes that James had previously attended St Peter’s school.
By 1911, the family had moved to 3 Gunco Lane and Mary was a widow. James (jnr) was aged 15 and working as a Winder for a Gimp Manufacturer.

WW1 SERVICE - James enlisted in the 7th Cheshires, service number 3956, in Macclesfield on 17 August 1915 when aged 19 years 7 months. He was described as 5 feet 5 inches tall, weighed 119 pounds and had a 33 inch chest. He had a circular scar on his left thigh, and three scars as a result of being vaccinated in infancy. James spent some time in Oswestry undergoing training, and between March and May 1916 he was reprimanded three times for being dirty or having dirty boots on parade.
On 1st July 1917 James was transferred to 7th Royal Welsh Fusiliers, initial service number 4909 and later number 291810, and sent overseas as part of the Egyptian Expeditionary Force on 13th July 1916.
Private James Bailey was reported missing on 26 March 1917, and was presumed to have died on or shortly after that date. His body was subsequently found. The Macclesfield Times of 13 April 1917 printed a brief report about him being missing.

COMMEMORATION - Private James Bailey is buried in Grave Ref. II E 10 in the Gaza War Cemetery.
The Commonwealth War Graves Commission holds casualty details for Private James Bailey.
In Macclesfield, James Bailey is commemorated on the St Peter’s Church war memorial.
Private James Bailey is also commemorated in Macclesfield Cemetery on the memorial stone marking his parents’ grave, in plot no. Z 18610.

http://macclesfieldreflects.org.uk/1917/03/26/bailey-james/
Hier nog meer gesneuvelden uit deze periode: http://macclesfieldreflects.org.uk/yr1917/march-1917/

Over one thousand servicemen from Macclesfield and the surrounding villages lost their lives during the First World War, and thousands of lives were irrevocably changed. This website is being created by the Macclesfield Reflects group to share the stories of local people during the Great War. “You live as long as you are remembered”
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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Percy Toplis



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BerichtGeplaatst: 26 Mrt 2018 8:58    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

26 March 1917 - Revolutionary Russia

Sunday Times article:
The question which interests everybody more than anything else is Russia’s future attitude towards the war. There have been misgivings about the possibility of a separate peace. But to suppose that Russia would now seek to conclude a peace without the consent of the Allies is to misunderstand the whole course of the Revolution. The Revolution bound people and Army together in an indissoluble union, resulting in a firm resolve to win a decisive victory. It is true that that a section of Socialists, now on the Committee of Workmen Soldiers’ Delegates, express the wish for immediate peace. But they have no majority on the committee, and still less influence in the country.
(‘Russian War Aims: What the Socialists Demand’, from our own correspondent, Petrograd)

Letter to Minister of Justice Kerensky from worker and deserter A. Zemskov, Kuban region, 26 March 1917
Kind sir, Mr Minister,
Allow me, a poor worker living in Russia’s hinterlands, to express myself, if only in a letter, on the subject of past and present events in the current historical moment. In addressing you, an individual who professes proletarian worldviews and is a defender of the interests of the working classes, I must nonetheless ask you to forgive me, an insignificant worker, for being so bold as to address to you, a great political figure whose name is covered in glory, a letter in which I set forth only my own personal opinions and worldviews and, regrettably, for taking up a minute of your very valuable time, the minute you take to read my letter … Ever since the last Russian autocrat fell from his high throne, you have been hearing on all sides laudatory hymns to the new state order and freedom … Aren’t you singing the praises of new chains that are only going by the name of freedom? … You (I am addressing the Provisional Government) have the audacity to say that freedom has come. But isn’t your current power over the people a power that the bourgeoisie delivered to you, based on coercion? … In professing a lie to the world, you, gentlemen, the new rulers, think that the working masses are so intoxicated by your lie that everyone is accepting it as truth without exception. No, gentlemen, in this you are mistaken … The details of my person are these: I am a former Moscow worker of peasant origin from Vladimir Province, Suzdal Uezd, surname Zemskov. As a deserter I’ve been hiding in the Kuban steppes for more than two years … With deep apologies,
Worker A. Zemskov
(Mark D. Steinberg, Voices of Revolution, 1917 , New Haven and London 2001)

https://www.fontanka.co.uk/twentysixmarchtofirstapril
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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26 March 1917; Monday | The Diary of Arthur L. Linfoot

Up at 7 o’clock and on duty as usual. Had to look after a sick officer most of the morning. Went to Renninghelst1 at night to the Crumps concert2. It was very good – the best I have seen in France. Went in the motor ambulance and walked back up.

1. Renninghelst (sic): Actually Reninghelst, now Flemish Reningelst (B), 6km NW. of La Clytte/Klijte (A), towards Poperinghe; Michelin square I3.
2. “Crumps concert”; presumably another soldiers’ revue. Crump is an old English dialect word for a hard hit or blow which, after 1914, came to be used for the explosion of a heavy artillery shell; the craters left by such shells were often referred to as crump-holes. This may be how The Crumps concert party got its name.


https://www.arthurlinfoot.org.uk/2017/03/26/26-march-1917-monday/

26 March 1916; Sunday | The Diary of Arthur L. Linfoot

Out shortly after reveille. Paraded with the duties. On canteen corporal and fire picket all day. Received letter from Betty and spent all spare time replying to it. Felt pretty rotten all day with vaccination.

https://www.arthurlinfoot.org.uk/category/1916/march1916/

26 March 1915; Friday | The Diary of Arthur L. Linfoot

At work as usual. At recruiting office at night and arranged to join the Army Medical when called upon. Probably it will be about 6 weeks’ time. Charlie and I carried some deeds† down to Rowes’ last thing and called at Gordon’s for some chocolate. Stormy night.

https://www.arthurlinfoot.org.uk/2015/03/26/26-march-1915-friday/
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005


Laatst aangepast door Percy Toplis op 26 Mrt 2018 9:56, in toaal 2 keer bewerkt
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BerichtGeplaatst: 26 Mrt 2018 9:01    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

250295 Private Charles James TURNER (d. 26 March 1917)

250295 Private Charles James Turner was born in 1898, the son of Arthur & Ada Turner, of West Street, Wivenhoe. He enlisted in the 5th Essex Territorials, and was Killed in Action in Palestine on 26 Mar 1917, aged 19.
He has no known grave, but is named on Panels 33 to 39 of the Jerusalem War Memorial, Israel, and on Wivenhoe War Memorial.

http://www.wivenhoehistory.org.uk/content/topics/events/first-world-war/roll-of-honour-ww1/the-fallen-of-ww1/250295-private-charles-james-turner-d-26-march-1917
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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BerichtGeplaatst: 26 Mrt 2018 9:06    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

V. I. Lenin - Farewell Letter to the Swiss Workers - Written on March 26 (April 8), 1917 - Published in the magazine Jugend-Internationale No. 8, May 1, 1917.

Comrades, Swiss workers,

Leaving Switzerland for Russia, to continue revolutionary-internationalist activity in our country, we, members of the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party united under the Central Committee (as distinct from another party bearing the same name, but united under the Organising Committee), wish to convey to you our fraternal greetings and expression of our profound comradely gratitude for your comradely treatment of the political émigrés.

If the avowed social-patriots and opportunists, the Swiss Grütlians who, like the social-patriots of all countries, have deserted the camp of the proletariat for the camp of the bourgeoisie; if these people have openly called upon you to fight the harmful influence of foreigners upon the Swiss labour movement; if the disguised social-patriots and opportunists who constitute a majority among the leaders of the Swiss Socialist Party have been pursuing similar tactics under cover, we consider it our duty to state that on the part of the revolutionary, internationalist socialist workers of Switzerland we have met with warm sympathy, and have greatly benefited from comradely relations with them.

We have always been particularly careful in dealing with questions, acquaintance with which requires prolonged participation in the Swiss movement. But those of us—and there were hardly more than 10 or 15—who have been members of the Swiss Socialist Party have considered it our duty steadfastly to maintain our point of view, the point of view of the Zimmerwald Left, on general and fundamental question is of the international socialist movement. We considered it our duty determinedly to fight not only social-patriotism, but also the so-called “Centrist” trend to which belong R. Grimm, F. Schneider, Jacques Schmid and others in Switzerland, Kautsky, Haase, and the Arbeitsgemeinschaft in Germany, Longuet, Pressemane and others in France, Snowden, Ramsay MacDonald and others in England, Turati, Treves and their friends in Italy, and the above-mentioned party headed by the Organising Committee (Axelrod, Martov, Chkheidze, Skobelev and others) in Russia.

We have worked band in hand with the revolutionary Social-Democrats of Switzerland grouped, in particular, around the magazine Freie Jugend. They formulated and circulated (in the German and French languages) the proposals for a referendum in favour of a party congress in April 1917 to discuss the party’s attitude on the war. At the Zurich cantonal congress in Töss they tabled a resolution on behalf of the youth and the “Lefts” on the war issue, and in March 1917 issued and circulated in certain localities of French Switzerland a leaflet, in the German and French languages, entitled “Our Peace Terms”, etc.

To these comrades, whose views we share, and with whom we worked hand in hand, we convey our fraternal greetings.

We have never bad the slightest doubt that the imperialist government of England will under no circumstances permit the Russian internationalists, who are implacable opponents of the imperialist government of Guchkov-Milyukov and Co. and of Russia continuing the imperialist war, to return to Russia.

In this connection, we must briefly explain our under standing of the tasks of the Russian revolution. We believe this all the more necessary because through the Swiss workers we can and must address ourselves to the German, French and Italian workers, who speak the same languages as the population of Switzerland, a country that still enjoys the benefits of peace and, relatively, the largest measure of political freedom.

We abide unconditionally by our declaration, which appeared in the Central Organ of our Party, Sotsial-Demokrat (No. 47, October 13, 1915), published in Geneva. In it we stated that, should the revolution prove victorious in Russia, and should a republican government come to power, a government intent on continuing the imperialist war, a war in alliance with the imperialist bourgeoisie of England and France, a war for the seizure of Constantinople, Armenia, Galicia, etc.,—we would most resolutely oppose such a government and would be against the “defence of the fatherland” in such a war.

A contingency approaching the above has now arisen. The new government of Russia, which has negotiated with the brother of Nicholas II for restoration of the monarchy, and in which the most important and influential posts are held by the monarchists Lvov and Guchkov, this government is trying to deceive the Russian workers with the slogan, “the Germans must overthrow Wilhelm” (correct! but why not add: the English, the Italians, etc., must overthrow their kings, and the Russians their monarchists, Lvov and Guchkov??). By issuing this slogan, but refusing to publish the imperialist, predatory treaties concluded by the tsar with France, England, etc., and confirmed by the government of Guchkov-Milyukov-Kerensky, this government is trying to represent its imperialist war with Germany as a war of “defence” (i.e., as a just war, legitimate even from the standpoint of the proletariat). It is trying to represent a war for the defence of the rapacious, imperialist, predatory aims of capital—Russian, English, etc., as “defence” of the Russian republic (which does not yet exist, and which the Lvovs and the Guchkovs have not even promised!).

If there is any truth in the latest press reports about a rapprochement between the avowed Russian social-patriots (such as Plekhanov, Zasulich, Potresov, etc.) and the “Centre party”, the party of the “Organising Committee”, the party of Chkheidze, Skobelev, etc., based on the common slogan: “Until the Germans overthrow Wilhelm, our war remains a defensive war,”—if this is true, then we shall redouble our energy in combating the party of Chkheidze, Skobelev, etc., which we have always fought for its opportunist, vacillating, unstable political behaviour.

Our slogan is: No support for the Guchkov-Milyukov government! He who says that such support is necessary to prevent restoration of the monarchy is deceiving the people. On the contrary, the Guchkov government has already conducted negotiations for restoration of the monarchy in Russia. Only the arming and organisation of the proletariat can prevent Guchkov and Co. from restoring the monarchy in Russia. Only the revolutionary proletariat of Russia and the whole of Europe, remaining loyal to internationalism, is capable of ridding humanity of the horrors of the imperialist war.

We do not close our eyes to the tremendous difficulties facing the revolutionary—internationalist vanguard of the Russian proletariat. The most abrupt and swift changes are possible in times such as the present. In No. 47 of Sotsial-Demokrat we gave a clear and direct answer to the question that naturally arises; What would our Party do, if the revolution immediately placed it in power? Our answer was: (1) We would forthwith offer peace to all the warring nations; (2) we would announce our peace terms—immediate liberation of all the colonies and all the oppressed and non-sovereign peoples; (3) we would immediately begin and carry out the liberation of all the peoples oppressed by the Great Russians; (4) we do not deceive ourselves for one moment, we know that these terms would be unacceptable not only to the monarchist, but also to the republican bourgeoisie of Germany, and not only to Germany, but also to the capitalist governments of England and France.

We would be forced to wage a revolutionary war against the German—and not only the German—bourgeoisie. And we would wage this war. We are not pacifists. We are opposed to imperialist wars over the division of spoils among the capitalists, but we have always considered it absurd for the revolutionary proletariat to disavow revolutionary wars that may prove necessary in the interests of socialism.

The task we outlined in No. 47 of Sotsial-Demokrat is a gigantic one. It can be accomplished only by a long series of great class battles between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. However, it was not our impatience, nor our wishes, but the objective conditions created by the imperialist war that brought the whole of humanity to an impasse, that placed it in a dilemma: either allow the destruction of more millions of Jives and utterly ruin European civilisation, or band over power in all the civilised countries to the revolutionary proletariat, carry through the socialist revolution.

To the Russian proletariat has fallen the great honour of beginning the series of revolutions which the imperialist war has made an objective inevitability. But the idea that the Russian proletariat is the chosen revolutionary proletariat among the workers of the world is absolutely alien to us. We know perfectly well that the proletariat of Russia is less organised, less prepared and less class-conscious than the proletariat, of other countries. It is not its special qualities, but rather the special conjuncture of historical circumstances that for a certain, perhaps vert short, time has made the proletariat of Russia the vanguard of the revolutionary proletariat of the whole world.

Russia is a peasant country, one of the most backward of European countries. Socialism cannot triumph there directly and immediately. But the peasant character of the country, the vast reserve of land in the hands of the nobility, may, to judge from the experience of 1905, give tremendous sweep to the bourgeois-democratic revolution in Russia and may make our revolution the prologue to the world socialist revolution, a step toward it.

Our Party was formed and developed in the struggle for these ideas, which have been fully confirmed by the experience of 1905 and the spring of 1917, in the uncompromising struggle against all the other parties; and we shall continue to fight for these ideas.

In Russia, socialism cannot triumph directly and immediately. But the peasant mass can bring the inevitable and matured agrarian upheaval to the point of confiscating all the immense holdings of the nobility. This has always been our slogan and it has now again been advanced in St. Petersburg by the Central Committee of our Party and by Pravda, our Party’s newspaper. The proletariat will fight for this slogan, without closing its eyes to the inevitability of cruel class conflicts between the agricultural labourers and the poorest peasants closely allied with them, on the one hand, and the rich peasants, whose position has been strengthened by Stolypin’s agrarian “reform” (1907–14), on the other. The fact should not be overlooked that the 104 peasant deputies in the First (1906) and Second (1907) Dumas introduced a revolutionary agrarian bill demanding the nationalisation of all lands and their distribution by local committees elected on the basis of complete democracy.

Such a revolution would not, in itself, be socialism. But it would give a great impetus to the world labour movement. It would immensely strengthen the position of the socialist proletariat in Russia and its influence on the agricultural labourers and the poorest peasants. It would enable the city proletariat to develop, on the strength of this influence, such revolutionary organisations as the Soviets of Workers’ Deputies to replace the old instruments of oppression employed by bourgeois states, the army, the police, the bureaucracy; to carry out—under pressure of the unbearably burdensome imperialist war and its consequences—a series of revolutionary measures to control the production and distribution of goods.

Single-handed, the Russian proletariat cannot bring the socialist revolution to a victorious conclusion. But it can give the Russian revolution a mighty sweep that would create the most favourable conditions for a socialist revolution, and would, in a sense, start it. It can facilitate the rise of a situation in which its chief, its most trustworthy and most reliable collaborator, the European and American socialist proletariat, could join the decisive battles.

Let the sceptics despair because of the temporary triumph within the European socialist movement of such disgusting lackeys of the imperialist bourgeoisie as the Scheidemanns, Legiens, Davids and Co. in Germany; Sembat, Guesde, Renaudel and Co. in France; the Fabians and the Labourites in England. We are firmly convinced that this filthy froth on the surface of the world labour movement will be soon swept away by the waves of revolution.

In Germany there is already a seething unrest of the proletarian masses, who contributed so much to humanity and socialism by their persistent, unyielding, sustained organisational work during the long decades of European “calm”, from 1871 to 1914. The future of German socialism is represented not by the traitors, the Scheidemanns, Legiens, Davids and Co., nor by the vacillating and spineless politicians, Haase, Kautsky and their ilk, who have been enfeebled by the routine of the period of “peace”.

The future belongs to the trend that has given us Karl Liebknecht, created the Spartacus group, has carried on its propaganda in the Bremen Arbeiterpolitik.

The objective circumstances of the imperialist war make it certain that the revolution will not be limited to the first stage of the Russian revolution, that the revolution will not be limited to Russia.

The German proletariat is the most trustworthy, the most reliable ally of the Russian and the world proletarian revolution.

When, in November 1914, our Party put forward the slogan: “Turn the imperialist war into a civil war” of the oppressed against the oppressors for the attainment of socialism, the social-patriots met this slogan with hatred and malicious ridicule, and the Social-Democratic “Centre”, with incredulous, sceptical, meek and expectant silence. David, the German social-chauvinist and social-imperialist, called it “insane”, while Mr. Plekhanov, the representative of Russian (and Anglo-French) social-chauvinism, of socialism in words, imperialism in deeds, called it a “farcical dream” (Mittelding zwischen Traum und Komödie[2] ) The representatives of the Centre confined themselves to silence or to cheap little jokes about this “straight line drawn in empty space”.

Now, after March 1917, only the blind can fail to see that it is a correct slogan. Transformation of the imperialist war into civil war is becoming a fact.

Long live the proletarian revolution that is beginning in Europe!

On behalf of the departing comrades, members of the R.S.D.L.P. (united under the Central Committee), who approved this letter at a meeting held April 8 (new style), 1917.

N. Lenin

https://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1917/mar/26b.htm
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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BerichtGeplaatst: 26 Mrt 2018 9:08    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

V. I. Lenin - Letters From Afar - FIFTH Letter - The Tasks Involved in the Building of the Revolutionary Proletarian State

In the preceding letters, the immediate tasks of the revolutionary proletariat in Russia were formulated as follows: (1) to find the surest road to the next stage of the revolution, or to the second revolution, which (2) must transfer political power from the government of the land lords and capitalists (the Guchkovs, Lvovs, Milyukovs, Kerenskys) to a government of the workers and poorest peasants. (3) This latter government must be organised on the model of the Soviets of Workers’ and Peasants’ Deputies, namely, (4) it must smash, completely eliminate, the old state machine, the army, the police force and bureaucracy (officialdom), that is common to all bourgeois states, and substitute for this machine (5) not only a mass organisation, but a universal organisation of the entire armed people. (6) Only such a government, of “such” a class composition (“revolutionary-democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry”) and such organs or government (“proletarian militia”) will be capable of successfully carrying out the extremely difficult and absolutely urgent chief task of the moment, namely: to achieve peace, not an imperialist peace, not a deal between the imperialist powers concerning the division of the spammer by the capitalists and their governments, but a really lasting and democratic peace, which cannot be achieved without a proletarian revolution in a number of countries. (7) In Russia the victory of the proletariat can be achieved in the very near future only if, from the very first step, the workers are supported by the vast majority of the peasants fighting for the confiscation of the landed estates (and for the nationalisation of all the land, if we assume that the agrarian programme of the “104” is still essentially the agrarian programme of the peasantry[2]). (8) In connection with such a peasant revolution, and on its basis, the proletariat can and must, in alliance with the poorest section of the peasantry, take further steps towards control of the production and distribution of the basic products, towards the introduction of “universal labour service”, etc. These steps are dictated, with absolute inevitability, by the conditions created by the war, which in many respects will become still more acute in the post-war period. In their entirety and in their development these steps will mark the transition to socialism, which cannot be achieved in Russia directly, at one stroke, without transitional measures, but is quite achievable and urgently necessary as a result of such transitional measures. (9) In this connection, the task of immediately organising special Soviets of Workers’ Deputies in the rural districts, i.e., Soviets of agricultural wage-workers separate from the Soviets of the other peasant deputies, comes to the fore front with extreme urgency.

Such, briefly, is the programme we have outlined, based on an appraisal of the class forces in the Russian and world revolution, and also on the experience of 1871 and 1905.

Let us now attempt a general survey of this programme as a whole and, in passing, deal with the way the subject was approached by K. Kautsky, the chief theoretician of the “Second” (1889–1914) International and most prominent representative of the “Centre”, “marsh” trend that is now to be observed in all countries, the trend that oscillates between the social-chauvinists and the revolutionary inter nationalists. Kautsky discussed this subject in his magazine Die Neue Zeit of April 6, 1917 (new style) in an article entitled, “The Prospects of the Russian Revolution”.

“First of all,” writes Kautsky, “we must ascertain what tasks confront the revolutionary proletarian regime” (state system).

“Two things,” continues the author, “are urgently needed by the proletariat: democracy and socialism.”

Unfortunately, Kautsky advances this absolutely incontestable thesis in an exceedingly general form, so that in essence he says nothing and explains nothing. Milyukov and Kerensky, members of a bourgeois and imperialist government, would readily subscribe to this general thesis, one to the first part, and the other to the second....[1]

[1] The manuscript breaks off here.—Ed.
[2] The agrarian programme of the “104”—the land reform bill the Trudovik members submitted to the 13th meeting of the First State Duma on May 23 (June 5), 1900. Its purpose was to “establish a system under which all the land, with its deposits and waters, would belong to the entire people, and farmlands would be allowed only those tilling them by their own labour” (Documents and Materials of the State Duma, Moscow, 1957, p. 172). The Trudoviks advocated organisation of a “national land fond” that would include all state, crown, monastery and church lands, also part of privately owned lands, which were to be alienated if the size of the holding exceeded the labor norm fixed for the given area. Partial compensation was to be paid for such alienated land. Small holdings were to remain the property of the owner, but would eventually be brought into the national fund. Implementation of the reform was to be supervised by local committees elected by universal, direct and equal suffrage and by secret ballot.


https://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1917/lfafar/fifth.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 26 Mrt 2018 9:11    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Demonstration of Estonians in Petrograd

On 26 March 1917 (8 April according to the new calendar), the Estonian Republican Union in Petrograd organised a demonstration with about 40,000 participants in support of national autonomy. In a city ravaged by the February Revolution and three years of warfare, a disciplined demonstration of power on such a scale seemed a real threat. Indeed, only four days later, the Russian Provisional Government issued a regulation to unite the Estonian regions of settlement into one province.

Foto! http://www.estonica.org/en/Demonstration_of_Estonians_in_Petrograd/
Ook hier: http://estonianworld.com/life/celebrations-st-petersburg-mark-100-years-demonstration-estonians/
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BerichtGeplaatst: 26 Mrt 2018 9:13    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Cecil Malthus - World War I papers - Letter to Hazel - 26 March [1916]

http://christchurchcitylibraries.com/Heritage/Digitised/WarsandConflicts/WorldWarI/Malthus/Malthus-1916-03-26-p01.asp
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BerichtGeplaatst: 26 Mrt 2018 9:15    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

GERMAN PRISONERS IN SOUVILLE, VERDUN, FRANCE, 26 MARCH 1916

PRODUCT DETAILS - 'German prisoners in Souville', Verdun, France, 26 March 1916, (1926). Souville was one of the forts built by the French to defend the city of Verdun. Unlike its counterparts, Douaumont and Vaux, Souville was not captured by the Germans during the Battle of Verdun in 1916. This giclée print offers beautiful color accuracy on a high-quality paper (235 gsm) that is a great option for framing with its smooth, acid free surface. Giclée (French for “to spray”) is a printing process where millions of ink droplets are sprayed onto the paper’s surface creating natural color transitions.

Schilderij! https://www.art.com/products/p34960745572-sa-i9379518/german-prisoners-in-souville-verdun-france-26-march-1916.htm
Ook hier: https://www.gettyimages.co.uk/detail/news-photo/german-prisoners-in-souville-verdun-france-26-march-1916-news-photo/463989901#/german-prisoners-in-souville-verdun-france-26-march-1916-souville-was-picture-id463989901
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"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005


Laatst aangepast door Percy Toplis op 26 Mrt 2018 9:24, in totaal 1 keer bewerkt
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BerichtGeplaatst: 26 Mrt 2018 9:17    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Letter from Sir Roger Casement, 26 March 1916

Munich
Sunday, 26 March 1916
My chief grief today is for my poor old sister. She will be 60 on 25 May next — & I am going off without ever seeing her again — & leaving her dependent on the help of strangers. For years she had been dependent on me.

She is staying with friends in America & ..... ..... know where.

She was hunted out of Ireland last Sept. or Augt. & had to fly to America.

I am writing to her, but I can't tell her anything — only pretend things & this grieves me greatly.

Don't forget ......... & Huber & the book. All proceeds (if any ever come) to go to my sister .... ' .....

This is all for the present
R.C.


Summary - This is a facsimile copy of a letter written by Sir Roger Casement (1864-1916). The letter was written from Munich and refers mainly to Casement's sister who was soon to turn 60. Casement is grieved at having to leave again without seeing his sister and leaving her dependent on 'strangers'. He notes that she had been 'hunted out of Ireland' the previous year and had to go to America. He is also grieved that he cannot tell her anything of what he is doing.
Sir Roger Casement was a humanitarian and Irish Nationalist. Casement believed that an Irish insurrection would be crushed unless it received substantial assistance from Germany. He spent eighteen months in Germany, arriving first as an envoy of Irish-American leaders, attempting to encourage Germany to support Irish separatist aspirations by providing arms. Casement succeeded in securing limited German support but his attempt to form a brigade of Irish soldiers in German prisoner of war camps to fight against Britain was largely unsuccessful. When it became clear that adequate help would not be forthcoming he travelled to Ireland by submarine. Casement landed and was arrested at Banna Strand, County Kerry on Good Friday 1916. He was tried in the Old Bailey for treason and subsequently executed by hanging at Pentonville Prison on 3 August 1916.

http://letters1916.maynoothuniversity.ie/explore/letters/453
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BerichtGeplaatst: 26 Mrt 2018 9:18    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Kensington & Chelsea's Great War - Destrube to Marion, 26th March 1916

http://www.kcworldwar1.org.uk/content/regiments/22nd-the-kensingtons/letters-from-the-kensingtons-at-war/destrube-to-marion-26th-march-1916
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BerichtGeplaatst: 26 Mrt 2018 9:19    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

ON THIS DATE IN THEIR OWN WORDS: MARIA ROMANOV- 26 MARCH, 1916.

From the 1916 diary of Maria Romanov: 26 March. Walked with Trina, had lessons, rode with Shura. Had breakfast 5 with Papa and Mama, Count Fredericks, and Count Kutaisov. Broke ice with Papa and the sailors. Mama was there. Papa departed, [we] saw him and Dmitri off. Had tea 4 and Mama. Went to Vsenoshnoya 5 with Mama. Had dinner 4 and Mama on the sofa. Anya was here.

http://www.theromanovfamily.com/7597-2/
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BerichtGeplaatst: 26 Mrt 2018 9:23    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

“The Chechia.” A Screamingly Funny Journal by the First Zouave Regiment. Number 26, March 1, 1916

Description - La Chéchia is the trench journal published by the First Zouave Regiment of the French army during World War I. Trench journals were produced by and for soldiers and were known for their black humor, portrayal of life on the front lines, poems, drawings, and other features. The Zouaves were an elite military unit first formed in Algeria in 1830, and the journal took its name from the distinct cylindrical cap of Arab origin worn by its soldiers. A total of 73 issues of La Chéchia appeared between May 1915 and October 1918, during which time the First Zouaves saw fierce combat in many of the battles on the Western Front in Belgium and France. Each issue was illustrated, and ran to four pages. The journal was produced on a cyclostyle, an early device for duplicating handwriting. The print run varied from between 800 and 1,000 copies. The First Zouaves were also known for their theatrical performances at the front, the scripts for which were mostly published in La Chéchia. Presented here are 71 issues of the journal, beginning with issue 2 of June 1, 1915, which are preserved in the National Library of France. Included in the collection is a handwritten note from Lieutenant Colonel Rolland, commander of the regiment, dated April 12, 1916, conveying a package with issues of the journal to an unidentified correspondent. In his note, Rolland writes: “I am also sending you a copy of the revue Au clair de la lune [By the light of the moon], which my soldiers wrote and which was played whenever we came out of the trenches. Later, I will send you the more or less literary productions that we might still have.” Included in the collection is a menu dated October 18, 1915, for a dinner given for the authors and actors of the revue Au clair de la lune.

https://www.wdl.org/en/item/20423/
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BerichtGeplaatst: 26 Mrt 2018 9:26    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

26th March 1916 - Worcestershire in WW1

8th Battalion: Better Weather: Mr. and Mrs. Rouse, Fern Villa, Chestnut Walk, have received a letter from their son,, Pte. E. Rouse, of the 1/8th Battalion Worcs. Regt., who is at the front, his brother, Albert, is in the artillery abroad: “The weather out here is getting all right now, more like summer every day, no rain or snow for about a week. About a fortnight ago we had plenty of snow and it was a nice mess in the trenches. Many a night whe I have been up to my knees in mud and water I have longed to be near the old fire at home, sitting in the old arm chair. I am going to be a machine gunner, a wire cutter, and a bomber, but I don’t mind, they will come in useful some time. We gave them a good doing. Trust our artillery for that. They will look after us.”

Women on the Land: At a meeting of women, at Stourport, Miss Margesson, daughter of Lady Isabel Margesson, of Barnt Green, said she and her mother were running a small farm, and for working in the farmyard found that the most adequate foot-gear was wooden clogs. On the land strong boots were best, and the boots which the Government were having made for women workers were excellent. She advised women to wear breeches and short skirts for their work, and said an increasing number of women were becoming skilled workers with the plough. The Hon. Mary Pakington said the decision of the Government to call up more men from the land made the call to women to work on the land more imperative, and she was confident that English women would prove as loyal and useful on the land as French women had proved themselves to be.

http://www.ww1worcestershire.co.uk/key-dates/1916/03/miss-margesson-shares-experience-women-land-workers/
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BerichtGeplaatst: 26 Mrt 2018 9:29    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

The ‘White War” from the Carnic Alps to Adamello

While the Fifth Battle on the Isonzo front came to an end, on the high mountains along the Italian front military actions were being organized that passed into history not so much for their conquests but for the way in which they were conducted. The battlefields were neither the Karst plateau nor the hills of the Julian Prealps but instead the peaks of the Carnic Alps, of the Dolomites in Veneto and those of the range of the Adamello between Lombardy and Trentino. This led to the start of the phase of the war which historians have called "the White War", evoking the perennial presence of glaciers and snow.

On the night of 26th March 1916 on the Carnic Alps an Austro-Hungarian battalion attacked the Italian positions on the peaks of Pal Piccolo and Pal Grande. The aim of this attack was to surprise the Italian soldiers (who were surrounded by metres of snow), to surround Freikofel and then to descend to Timau in an area behind the Italian frontline. The group of Alpine soldiers in the Tagliamento Battalion, taken by surprise on the "Trincerone", had to withdraw and to abandon their position. Despite the snowstorm and the darkness, this action was extended rapidly even on the nearby peaks, placing in serious danger the stability of the Italian front in this region.

The Italian reinforcements arrived on the next morning and for three days the battle raged unabated around the Mount Croce Carnico Pass. On 29th March the Austro-Hungarian soldiers realized that they would be unable to advance or to keep the new positions that they had conquered. As a result they turned back and the Italians could again occupy the Trincerone on Pal Piccolo although they lost almost one thousand soldiers.

A few days later important military actions took place on the eastern Dolomites, on the axis Mount Croce Comelico-Sesto-San Candido (between Cadore and Val Pusteria). The plan, coordinated at the end of 1915, envisaged the occupation of Passo Sentinella and Croda Rossa in the neighborhood of Sesto. This action should have taken place in winter to increase the element of surprise but the Austro-Hungarians put in a determined resistance. The battle only came to an end towards the middle of April with the occupation of the pass and of the Cima Undici. Croda Rossa remained, however, in the hands of the Habsburg troops.

At the same time, 220 Alpine skiers left Rifugio Garibaldi (an Italian base at an altitude of 2,550 metres above sea level) and carried three guns to the area around Rifugio Mandrone, the seat of the Austrian positions. Within a month the Italians succeeded in conquering the main peaks of the Adamello mountains (including Mount Fumo, 3,418 metres) and reached up to the head of Val Genova.

http://www.itinerarigrandeguerra.it/code/43711/The-White-War-from-the-Carnic-Alps-to-Adamello
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BerichtGeplaatst: 26 Mrt 2018 9:55    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

26 March 1915 | Centenary of WW1 in Orange

26 March 1915 - The Leader reports that local militiamen must return their arms and associated equipment in order to supply the Expeditionary Force reinforcements with weapons

http://www.centenaryww1orange.com.au/events/26-march-1915/

Rifle Return.
EXTRAORDINARY REASON AT
TRIBUTED.
MEANT FOR EXPEDITIONARY
FORCE.
BATHURST, Thursday.
It has been discovered from an un
mistakably authoritative source that
the advertised return of arms and
equipment of the militamen is a step
taken by the military authorities for
the purpose of supplying the Expe
ditionary force reinforcements.
The local militia have been ordered
to return their rifles and kit within
a few days. It is also stated that the
militiamen will receive new issues
later.
The Bathurst militia guard has fin
ished duty at the Small Arms factory,
Lithgow.
The members of "A" Company, 42nd
infantry, have to return their rifles
and equipment by Monday night next.
It was generally understood that the
reason was that their issues are
branded 41 and that new issues would
be made with the correct number 42
attached. It was only a month be
fore mobilisation last September that
the Orange militiamen were transfer
red from the 41st to the 42nd batta
lion with its new headquarters at
Forbes.

https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/119913349
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BerichtGeplaatst: 26 Mrt 2018 9:59    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

The Great War Blog: 26 March 1915 – French Heights

The 3,100-foot peak of Hartmannsweilerkopf, also known as Le Vieil Armand, overlooks the Mulhouse-Colmar railway line as well as German access roads to their front lines. This makes it a primary objective for the French Army, which has conducted a bitter campaign here since January. (...)

Lees verder op http://ww1blog.osborneink.com/?p=6816
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BerichtGeplaatst: 26 Mrt 2018 10:03    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

26 March (1915): Robert Frost to Nathan Haskell Dole

Here, Robert Frost writes editor and poet Nathan Haskell Dole on his (Frost’s) birthday. He reflects on his transition into middle-age and recounts a dream he had about Ellis Island. The Frost family passed through the port in 1915, when they returned from their three-year excursion to Britain as World War I broke out. Though the American family had no issues entering the United States, they had brought along Mervyn Thomas, son of the poet Edward Thomas, whom they had befriended in Gloucestershire. Mervyn was detained for a few days as a result of his new immigrant status. This is likely the “experience” that Frost refers to toward the end of the letter.

Littleton N.H.
March 26 1925

Dear Dole

Do it some more in red ink. You write well in any in or in pencil for anything I know to the contrary: but if this letter is a fair sample and if I am any judge you are at your best and truthfullest in red ink.

I am slow to recover from the awful dazing you gave me in Boston. I was afraid my special pertness was never coming back. I sat on the edge of the bed for days together rubbing my eyes and (yawning I was going to say but no) crying at intervals like Balaam mourning for her children, “The cuss is all gone out of me!”

Possibly it is. I shall know better when I have made up the rest of my lost sleep. At my age a fellow forgets kindness and shakes off obligations with the greatest difficulty. Still it can’t be I am going to let myself sink under benefactions at the age of forty. I shall yet manage to do something I owe it to my friends and relatives not to do.

Perhaps reading to the Phi Beta Kappa is the thing. That should get me into sufficient trouble to make me feel at home. You know I can’t read. Why would you put temptation in my way? For I suppose you did it.

Another experience I cant seem to get over is Ellis Island. I dreamed last night that I had to pass a written examination in order to pass the inspection there. There were two questions set me.

1. Who in Hell do you think you are?
2. How much do one and one make?

Note. Candidates are advised to use influence in passing inspection. They are warned that if they think they are Christ or Napoleon or a poet they will do well not to say so if they dont want to be deported as of unsound unsounded and unfathomable mind. They are warned also against any levity in their answer to the second question. It will count heavily against them in the highest official circles if they try to get round the difficulty by answering that one and one if they are of opposite and conflicting sexes may produce a dozen.

When I dream at all, I always dream good sense.

Sometimes I will read your Rose of the Kennebec and glad of the chance.

We have these mountains pretty much to ourselves at this time of year.

In May I shall probably be seeing you again.

My wife is sure I will forget to thank you for the good coffee.

My best to all your household.

Yours ever
Robert Frost

This is my birthday.

From The Letters of Robert Frost. Frost, Robert, et al. Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2014.,
http://theamericanreader.com/26-march-1915-robert-frost-to-nathan-haskell-dole/
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BerichtGeplaatst: 26 Mrt 2018 10:05    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Letters - 26 March 1915 - Gertrude Bell to Charles Doughty-Wylie

[26 March 1915] My dear. I see there’s a mail on Monday. I write twice a week, do you realize? a week is so very long to wait. But whether my letters reach you I don’t know. There’s still no news of you since Malta — a fortnight ago, I got that letter. I’m floating in chaos, rather gaily, everything considered. I feel at times rather like the Creator, before the first day dawned, when he was just beginning to consider the elementary properties of light; & at other times I feel more like someone who didn’t happen to hit on the road to the Ark when he saw the Flood creeping up from his chin to his lips. And it’s not the kind of flood which I like to feel upon my lips. I can find words sometimes can’t I? But none to describe the confusion of this office, the helpless bewilderment of those who work in it, the mixture[?] of unsorted, uncomprehended material which spreads itself before me whichever way I look. I stepped down into this welter yesterday & already I have found in it two strong spars to buoy me up. One is the extraordinary deliciousness & personal charm of Lord Robert — to say nothing of his acute wits; the other is the way in which the miriad (sic) ladies who work for him accept my word & my bidding. Some understand & some don’t, but all, up to their capacity, obey without a murmur. Some are friends of mine & some I don’t know & I haven’t had time yet to find out their names. The drawback is that they besiege me with questions. I have an hour & a half in the morning before they come, & two hours at night after they have gone when I can work, & that’s really all. Tomorrow, being Sunday, I shall have the whole day, for no one else will inhabit the big drawing rooms of 20 Arlington St but me. What’s become of the Salisburys I haven’t yet enquired; they must have gone into lodgings somewhere. Anyhow their big drawing rooms are my domain. I’m laughing at it all — it’s the only thing to be done
— but how I shall ever get it into order I can’t think. Lord R. dined with me last night & sat talking in the room you know till past 11, but the net result was only that he gave me a free hand — & how to use it? that’s my problem. There’s one thing that makes me rage. No one in this country seems to realize that a war is being fought in France. The miriad [sic] ladies saunter elegantly in & out, go off to tea parties, dinner parties, without a thought that they are leaving their work undone. And with that example can you wonder that the type writers should blanche at the bare idea of more than 5 & 1/2 days a week? I found words for them this morning which they won’t forget I think, but whether what I said will make them work an extra after—noon I gravely doubt. Well, I shall work whatever they do — the more if they don’t. But it’s work, I feel already, under better conditions in many ways than Boulogne. The dirt, the discomfort there I only realize when I’m away from it. The want of exercise — here I shall walk at least twice a day across the Green Park to Arlington St, & all the way with thoughts to comfort me which make the road seem far too short. And then, though one’s not away from the memory of the war I feel that I am removed from the emotion of it — my nerves had worn very threadbare over there. And this is bathos — but my maid is here to look after me! the physical difference she makes! Don’t think for a moment I can’t do without her, but I want a little leisure if I have to look after myself, & that’s just what I couldn’t get. I shan’t need her on the French collier — you may believe me — This is my last lap of work; I’m grateful for it & I’m going to do it well, such as it is. After that it’s as you choose, but whatever way you choose, I don’t go back to the old things anymore. I’ve done, I’ve done with them. And I’m safe, knowing that. March 28, but I might also mention that it’s 2.45 a.m. — do you call me, or dream of me, or something, that I wake so broad awake always in the middle of the night? I had a fantastic day yesterday. It was Sunday, & with a clear field I did exactly 12 hours work at Arlington St, & got a little corner of my job tidied out & put straight. That’s something anyhow. Lord Tarbert(?) came in, in the afternoon to help, & an angelic woman filed slips as I got them ready for 3 or 4 hours; otherwise I couldn’t have got through. At 7 I telephoned my maid to bring me some sandwiches & a thermos bottle of coffee, & then went on for another 3 hours. I shan’t do that often however. And when I woke just now, I was presently so hungry that I raided the dining room for pears[?] & biscuits. — Today there’s a mail in; if it doesn’t bring a letter I shall have to take to wine(?), or whatever it is that drowns care. Why no, I won’t do that; I’ll take still more persistently to memory, & that’s a thing which no care can stand up against. Still I should like to know that you are alive & that you are so obliging as to continue to love me. For I’m yours.
Are you still on Birdwood’s staff, or have you been transfrred to Ian Hamilton’s? Oh I must sleep.
Monday morning. No letter yet. I must rush off to Arlington St. Perhaps it will still come later. I’m quite rested this morning.

http://gertrudebell.ncl.ac.uk/letter_details.php?letter_id=1843
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"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
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BerichtGeplaatst: 26 Mrt 2018 10:07    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

MARCH SNIPPETS FROM THE ROYAL LEAMINGTON SPA COURIER AND WARWICKSHIRE STANDARD – 1915

Warwick and Country Edition Page 4, Column 4, 26th March 1915
Police Courts. Leamington Borough. 22nd March 1915. “Absurd Way of Expressing Sorrow”. John Henry Dovey had been accused of fighting on 13th March 1915 and of being drunk on 19th March 1915. The defendant said he “had a lot of beer, being upset about his 3 brothers who had come home wounded from the Front. One brother had lost a thumb and another had a bullet through his chest. He regretted what he had done and would promise to sign the pledge if given another chance. Fined 10 shillings and 6 pence. The Mayor told him that the excuse about his brothers coming home wounded was a very sad way of showing his sorrow. It was most absurd for a man to pretend that his sorrow was to be expressed in drink.

https://www.ourwarwickshire.org.uk/content/article/march-snippets-royal-leamington-spa-courier-warwickshire-standard-1915
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