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Mario



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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Mrt 2006 11:31    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

1917
In Deutsch-Ostafrika gehen im Frühjahr die englischen Angriffe weiter, die Versorgungslage wird für Oberst v.Lettow-Vorbeck immer schwieriger. Dennoch kann er sich mit örtlichen Vorstößen immer wieder Luft verschaffen.

1918
Die deutschen Truppen besetzten die Ukraine, um sie gegen die Bolschewisten zu schützen. Aber auch die Getreidelieferungen sollen dadurch gesichrt werden.
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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Mrt 2006 11:35    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

1915

American citizen dies in sinking of first passenger ship, the British liner, Falaba. Capt. George Van Horn Moseley of War College Divison suggests a plan for universal military training to Chief of Staff.

1917

Zimmermann Note released to press by State Department; Armed Ship Bill passes House
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Richard



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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Mrt 2006 12:15    Onderwerp: Re: 1 maart Reageer met quote

Mario @ 01 Mrt 2006 11:29 schreef:
1917 Zimmermann Telegram published in United States.


http://www.forumeerstewereldoorlog.nl/viewtopic.php?t=3236
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Feb 2010 20:08    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

100 Events in the Gallipoli Campaign: March 1915

1 March 1915
Between 1 and 17 March, British fishing trawlers, equipped as minesweepers and with largely civilian crews, failed to successfully clear the Dardanelles of mines.

http://www.anzacsite.gov.au/5environment/timelines/100-events-gallipoli-campaign/march-1915.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Feb 2010 20:12    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

1 March 1915: German 4th Army plans an attack to cut off the Ypres Salient

Situation on the German Flanders Front
Following the unsuccessful and costly German offensive battles for Ypres in the autumn of 1914 the fighting to the east of the town had died down. During the winter of 1914/1915 both the German Army and the Allied Armies (Belgium, France and Britain) began to dig in to the positions they had established since the battles of late autumn 1914; both sides consolidated the defences of their front line to a greater or lesser extent. With this, a static situation of trench warfare came into being on the battlefields to the north, east and south of Ypres.

Lees verder op http://www.greatwar.co.uk/westfront/ypsalient/secondypres/prelude/4thaokplan.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Feb 2010 20:19    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

1 March 1915, Commons Sitting

BELGIAN REFUGEES (EMPLOYMENT).


HC Deb 01 March 1915 vol 70 c540 540

Sir CUTHBERT QUILTER asked whether an offer has been received from Mr. R. C. Marsh to give employment to 100 Belgian refugees at Hawkedon, Suffolk; whether such offer has been refused; and, if so, the reason for such refusal?

The SECRETARY of STATE for the HOME DEPARTMENT (Mr. McKenna) No such offer has been made to me, and I had not heard of the matter, but on inquiry of the Board of Trade I learn that some time in November Mr. Marsh applied to the Labour Exchange for a supply of from 12 to 100 Belgian men or lads to work at threshing mills or sand pits. He was told that the labour could not be supplied, as the proposed place of employment was in one of the prohibited areas to which refugees are not sent.

http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/commons/1915/mar/01/belgian-refugees-employment

1 March 1915, Written Answers (Commons)

BELGIAN REFUGEES.


HC Deb 01 March 1915 vol 70 c581W 581W

Mr. NIELD asked the President of the Local Government Board what is the number of Belgian refugees now in this country, giving the separate figures for men, women, and children, respectively; what proportion of the men are of military age and capable of military service; and can any information be given as to what number have, since the commencement of the War, returned for military duty?

Mr. SAMUEL The Registrar-General estimates the number of Belgian refugees (not including soldiers) in this country at the present time at 180,000. This total consists of:—

•65,000 men,
•69,000 women, and
•46,000 children (under sixteen).

There are, in addition, about 18,000 wounded and convalescent soldiers. The information at my disposal is not sufficient to enable me to reply to the second part of the question. With respect to the last part of the question, it would not be in the public interest to state the numbers.

http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/written_answers/1915/mar/01/belgian-refugees
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Feb 2010 20:25    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Sheffield City Battalion: Alphaeus Casey's Diary, March 1915

Monday 1st March 1915
6.30 awoke to sound of bugle. Stiff, pains in stomach, felt rotten, cold. Better after awhile. Snow blizzard blowing. Drill in hut.
Weather cleared, beautiful afternoon. Side arms, marched down Lodge Lane up road on opposite side of valley to top. Hard climbing. Went down hill side after rest and practised finding objects.
Evening Cowlyshaw [Cowlishaw] and self beat Lockwood and Robinson 2 rubbers to 1 at bridge.
Prime Minister declares blockade of Germany.

http://www.pals.org.uk/sheffield/casey_diary03.htm
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Tandorini



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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Feb 2010 20:28    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

1maart 1913: Adolphe Pegoud behaalt zijn vliegbrevet. Hij was de eerste die de titel " aas " werd toegekend. Dit omdat hij 28 april 1915 boven de Vogezen zijn 5e vijandelijke toestel neerhaalde.

meer over Pegoud:

http://www.forumeerstewereldoorlog.nl/viewtopic.php?t=2065&highlight=adolphe+pegoud

http://www.forumeerstewereldoorlog.nl/viewtopic.php?t=7473&highlight=adolphe+pegoud
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Feb 2010 20:42    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

The Accrington Pals - September 1914 to December 1915: Training

The men were billeted with the townspeople of Caernarvon and continued to enjoy many of the comforts of home-living. A step-up in professionalism took place on 1st March when Lt.-Col. Arthur Rickman, a Regular Army officer of the Northumberland Fusiliers, took over command of the battalion from Col. Richard Sharples. Training was stepped-up, and the temporary blue uniforms were replaced by khaki.

http://www.pals.org.uk/training.htm

The outbreak of war in August 1914 saw Rickman return to active service. On 1st March 1915 at Caernarvon, with the temporary rank of Lieutenant-Colonel, he succeeded Col. Richard Sharples as commanding officer of the 11th Battalion, East Lancashire Regiment (Accrington Pals). Aside from periods of absence necessitated by wounds or higher authority, Rickman was to lead the battalion throughout the remainder of the war.

http://www.pals.org.uk/awrickman.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Feb 2010 21:01    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Letter of Condolence from Captain 13th Battalion, 1 March 1917

Dear Mrs Allen

As I have been away in England wounded I only received (Miss Allen's) letter yesterday so please excuse my delay in replying.

I am extremely sorry that I am unable to give you much hope as regards your two sons. On the night of August 14th the 13th Battalion in conjunction with other regiments made an attack on that famous German stronghold Mouquet Farm. It was one of the glorious charges in which the Australians have participated as the machine gun fire which they were called upon to face was terrific. Our lads got right across but their losses were very heavy and as the regiments on our flanks failed we had to retire. We brought back a number of Germans prisoners and most of our own wounded. There was a faint possibility that your two sons were taken prisoners consequently they were posted as missing but if you have not yet received intimation that they are in German hands I think you must make up your mind that they fell gallantly while rushing forward in that glorious charge. All those that were left of the 10th reinforcements (there are very few now) were extremely sorry that the two brothers were gone. They were well liked by all ranks and were good soldiers and willing fighters. Although they have given up their lives they did their duty nobly and well. Please accept my deepest sympathy.

Yours very sincerely

T Wells, Captain

13th Battn AIF

PS. Your boys, if killed, will have been buried along with a large number of their Australian comrades on the field of battle, near Mouquet Farm, which is about a mile from Pozieres.

http://www.awm.gov.au/encyclopedia/memorial_scroll/letter5.asp
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1 March 1917, Commons Sitting

CAMPS IN GERMANY.


HC Deb 01 March 1917 vol 90 c2118 2118

Mr. BROOKES asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether, since the withdrawal of the American diplomatic representative in Germany, he is still receiving reports as to the condition and treatment of the British in the various prisoners' and internment camps; and whether he can make any general statement on this treatment and condition?

Mr. JAMES HOPE (Lord of the Treasury) No reports by the Netherland Legation at Berlin on prisoner of war camps in Germany have yet been received. The Netherland Government did not take over our interests in Germany until the 3rd February and sufficient time has not yet elapsed for any reports on camps to be received here. A special staff has been sent to the Netherland Legation at Berlin to look after our prisoners, and I have no doubt that reports will reach us ere long. The American reports, some of which reached us after the rupture of diplomatic relations, show that the conditions in the main camps are generally satisfactory. The conditions in the working camps vary considerably.
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Order No. 1 of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies to the Petrograd District Garrison

March 1, 1917

To be immediately and fully executed by all men in the Guards, army, artillery and navy and to be made known to the Petrograd workers.

The Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies has resolved:

1. In all companies, battalions, regiments, batteries, squadrons and separate services of various military departments and on board naval ships committees shall be immediately elected from among representatives of the rankers of the foregoing units.

2. In all units which have not yet elected their representatives to the Soviet of Workers' Deputies, one representative from each company shall be elected. All representatives, carrying appropriate identity cards, are to arrive at the building of the State Duma by 10 a. m., March 2, 1917.

3. In all their political actions, units are subordinated to the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies and their own committees.

4. All orders issued by the Military Commission of the State Duma shall be carried out, except those which run counter to the orders and decrees issued by the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies.

5. All kinds of weapons, namely rifles, machine-guns, armoured cars and so forth, shall be placed at the disposal and under the control of the company and battalion committees and shall by no means be issued to the officers, not even at their insistence.

6. In formation and on duty, soldiers shall strictly observe military discipline; however, off duty and formation, in their political, civic and private life, soldiers shall fully enjoy the rights granted to all citizens.

In particular, standing to attention and obligatory saluting off duty shall be cancelled.

7. Likewise, officers shall be addressed as Mr. General, Mr. Colonel, etc., instead of Your Excellency, Your Honour, etc.

Rudeness towards soldiers of all ranks and, in particular, addressing them as 'thou' shall be forbidden. Any violation of this rule and all cases of misunderstanding between officers and soldiers shall be reported by the latter to the company committees.

This order shall be read out in all companies, battalions, regiments, ship crews, batteries and other combat and non-combat detachments.

Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies.

http://www.marxists.org/history/ussr/government/1917/03/01.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Feb 2010 21:17    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

ZG March 1, 1918 Watch Tower

A special edition of the March 1, 1918 Watchtower magazine, which was also referred to as "ZG" ("Z" standing for Zion's Watch Tower and "G" represented the 7th volume of Studies in the Scriptures). This special issue of the Watchtower magazine contained a paperback version of The Finished Mystery with additional commentary. At this time, the president of the Watchtower Society was J.F. Rutherford who had succeeded C.T. Russell after Russell's death in 1916. Rutherford later gave the movement the name Jehovah's Witnesses in 1931.

http://www.archive.org/details/ZgMarch11918WatchTower
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Casualty Lists of the Royal Navy and Dominion Navies, World War 1

SINKING OF ARMED MERCHANT CRUISER CALGARIAN

Calgarian, torpedoed and sunk by U.19 in North Channel
ADAMS, Frederick T, Steward, MMR, 725876
AGNEY, Thomas, Leading Fireman, MMR, 686138
BROWN, Joseph, Trimmer, MMR, (no service number listed)
BROWN, William A, Trimmer, MMR, 939572
BYRNE, Phillip, Trimmer, MMR, 908114
CLELAND, James, Fireman, MMR, 840219
CLEMENT, Frederick S, Fireman, MMR, 908693
CLIFTON, Joseph, Fireman, MMR, 673758
COUGHLIN, Edmund, Trimmer, MMR, 825190
DEAN, Charles, Trimmer, MMR, (no service number listed)
FLYNN, John, Fireman, MMR, 850880
FOKERD, Arthur, Fireman, MMR, 841392
GEORGE, Harry, Fireman, MMR, 792667
HARRIS, Claude, Trimmer, MMR, 934598
JARVIS, Hugh T, Ty/Engineer Sub Lieutenant, RNR
KEANE, John, Trimmer, MMR, 906577
KEEFE, Henry, Fireman, MMR, (no service number listed)
KENNEDY, Thomas, Fireman, MMR, 917046
LAKE, Thomas, Fireman, MMR, 877931
LARKIN, James, Trimmer, MMR, (no service number listed)
LLOYD, William E, Fireman, MMR, 900976
MARTIN, John, Fireman, MMR, 750833
MAYATT, Rupert, Trimmer, MMR, 947238
MCLACHLAN, Thomas, Trimmer, MMR, (no service number listed)
O'DWYER, Pat, Trimmer, MMR, 906583
O'TOOLE, Thomas, Leading Fireman, MMR, 641185
PINE, Robert E, Fireman, MMR, 779178
RADFORD, John, Fireman, MMR, 862545
REES, Samuel, Trimmer, MMR, 934600
ROBINSON, Francis R, Fireman, MMR, 785088
SOBEY, Samuel, Fireman, MMR, 665919
SPROTT, Hugh, Ty/Engineer Sub Lieutenant, RNR
WOOD, John, Trimmer, MMR, (no service number listed)
WRIGHT, John, Fireman, MMR, 635283

Lord Lister, hired trawler, minesweeper, damaged assisting Calgarian

MCDONALD, James, Deck Hand, RNR, SD 1050
SMITH, William H, Ordinary Seaman, J 81460 (Dev)

http://www.naval-history.net/xDKCas1918-03Mar.htm

HMS Calgarian (1913)
HMS Calgarian was an armed merchant cruiser of the Royal Navy. She was sunk by the U-boat U-19 off Rathlin Island, Northern Ireland on 1 March 1918. The initial strike did not sink her and the crew managed to contain the damage. The U-boat torpedoed her again, despite the protection of other ships. She was hit by 4 torpedoes and quickly sank with the loss of two officers and 47 ratings.

SS Calgarian, was originally built for the Allen Line, making her maiden voyage from Liverpool to Canada on 8 May 1914. Her sister ship was Alsatian.

On 15 September 1914 Calgarian was taken over as an armed merchant cruiser. Her naval career saw her take part in the blockades of the ports of Lisbon and New York and acts as a troop and passenger transport across the Atlantic.

She was officially transferred to Canadian Pacific in July 1917 on its acquisition of Allan. However, she continued in Royal Navy use until her sinking.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/HMS_Calgarian_(1913)
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Feb 2010 21:30    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Postal Occupation Issues, 1914-1918

1st March 1918, a set of five stamps issued for the whole of Rumania. It should be noted that up until this date some parts of Rumania had been issued with stamps of Austria in the K.u.K. occupied areas.

Wilt u daar zegeltjes bij? Ga dan naar http://www.bills-bunker.de/150801.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Feb 2010 21:33    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

March 1st Movement

The March First Movement, or Samil Movement, was one of the earliest displays of Korean independence movements during the Japanese rule of Korea. The name refers to an event that occurred on 1 March 1919, hence the movement's name, literally meaning "Three-One Movement" in Korean. It is also sometimes referred to as the Manse Demonstrations (만세운동). During the series of demonstrations that began that day and spread throughout Korea, 7,000 people were killed by Japanese police and soldiers.

Lees verder op http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/March_1st_Movement

Declaration of Independence (March 1, 1919)
We hereby declare that Korea is an independent state and that Korean are a selfgoverning people. We proclaim it to the nations of the world in affirmation of the principle of the equality of all nations, and we proclaim it to our posterity, preserving in perpetuity the right of national survival. We make this declaration on the strength of five thousand years of history as an expression of the devotion and loyalty of twenty million people. …

Lees verder op http://afe.easia.columbia.edu/ps/korea/march_first_declaration.pdf
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March 1, 1919

The French government reorganized French West Africa, establishing Upper Volta as a separate colony.

The Uruguayan government ratified a new constitution which curtailed the powers of the president and established a national council of administration. The new constitution also disestablished the Roman Catholic Church in Uruguay.

http://www.indiana.edu/~league/1919.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Feb 2010 21:53    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

1 March 1920, Commons Sitting

LUNACY STATISTICS.


HC Deb 01 March 1920 vol 126 c34 34

§ Colonel WEDGWOOD asked the Minister of Health how many persons, male and female, are at present in public or private lunatic asylums; how many of these are ex-service men; and how many are voluntary boarders or temporarily detained?

§ The UNDER-SECRETARY of STATE for the HOME DEPARTMENT (Major Baird) My right hon. Friend has asked me to reply to this question. On the 1st January, 1920, there were in public or private lunatic asylums in England and Wales 96,344 patients (males 42,294, females 54,050).

These included 3,739 ex-service men classified as "service" patients, and a small number of ex-service men whose classification as "service" patients the Ministry of Pensions had found themselves unable to sanction, or whose classification as such was pending.

There were on the same date 270 persons (males 108, females 102) voluntary boarders in private asylums, but none temporarily detained.

§ Lieut.-Commander KENWORTHY Would it be possible to concentrate these ex-service men in one or two establishments and give them special treatment?

§ Major BAIRD I am afraid I shall require notice of that question.

§ Sir H. BRITTAIN Have we any statistics showing how many persons are at largo who ought to be in asylums?

http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/commons/1920/mar/01/lunacy-statistics
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Feb 2011 21:11    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Amsterdam Levensverzekering Bank NV, 1 maart 1914



http://www.vvmbest.nl/detail.asp?id=410&type=POL
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De Japanse aanval op Java begint (1 maart 1942)

Japanse strijdkrachten vallen op verschillende punten langs de kust Java aan. Zij veroveren vrijwel meteen het vliegveld Kalidjati bij Bandoeng, waardoor de Indische luchtbases onder vrijwel constante luchtaanvallen komen te liggen.

Strijd gaat door

Toch geven de luchtstrijdkrachten zich nog niet gewonnen. Kapitein van Helsdingen negeert een medisch vliegverbod en stijgt op in de enig overgebleven Brewster Bufalo’s, samen met sergeant Bruggink, luitenant Deibel en vaandrig Scheffer. Ze weten te bereiken dat een aantal Japanse vliegtuigen rechtsomkeert maakt. Bruggink, Deibel en Scheffer landen weer veilig, maar Van Helsdingen komt om. Allevier krijgen ze de Militaire Willemsorde; voor Van Helsdingen was dat de tweede keer.

Java in Japanse handen

Op 5 maart trekken Japanse troepen zegevierend Batavia binnen. De volgende dag slagen zij er in bij Bandoeng een doorbraak te forceren. Op 8 maart, ten slotte, bezetten zij Soerabaja. Java is in Japanse handen.

http://www.defensie.nl/nimh/geschiedenis/tijdbalk/1914-1945/de_japanse_aanval_op_java_begint_(1_maart_1942)
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Feb 2011 21:20    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Utrechts Nieuwsblad (01-03-1915)

http://www.hetutrechtsarchief.nl/collectie/kranten/un/1915/0301
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Feb 2011 21:21    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Soldiers' separation allowances. Increased rates from March 1, 1915



http://popartmachine.com/item/pop_art/LOC+1180428/SOLDIERS
Zie ook http://www.encore-editions.com/world-war-i-posters/images/soldiers-separation-allowances-increased-rates-from-march-1-1915-h-w-v-ld
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Laatst aangepast door Percy Toplis op 28 Feb 2011 21:25, in totaal 1 keer bewerkt
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Feb 2011 21:24    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Ilustraçăo Portugueza, No. 471, March 1 1915 - cover



http://www.flickr.com/photos/gatochy/2664020193/in/photostream/
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Feb 2011 21:28    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Zeldzame brief met postzegels nr.110 en 123,verzonden op 1 maart 1915...



... geadresseerd aan het 'Comité de la Croix-Rouge te Genčve', op een veiling ingezet aan 18.500 B.fr.,verkocht voor 27.000 B.fr.

Thanks, T! http://militaria.forum-xl.com/viewtopic.php?f=53&t=408
Zie ook hier: http://www.forumeerstewereldoorlog.nl/wiki/index.php/De_werking_van_de_post_in_Boezinge(1914-1918).
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Feb 2011 21:31    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Bruno Loerzer & Hermann Göring



Op 1 maart 1915 kregen Bruno en Hermann het IJzeren Kruis 2de klasse.

http://www.forumeerstewereldoorlog.nl/wiki/index.php/Bruno_Loerzer
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Feb 2011 21:34    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

IJzeren Halve Maan



De IJzeren Halve Maan was een Ottomaanse onderscheiding. De Engelsen noemen het, foutief, de Gallipoli Star maar de onderscheiding werd aan alle fronten verleend. (...)

Bij het uitbreken van Eerste Wereldoorlog in 1914 bezat het Ottomaanse Rijk geen onderscheiding die met het Pruisische IJzeren Kruis konden worden vergeleken. Er waren ridderorden en medailles. De aan de Hoge Orde van de Eer verbonden medaille, de op 11 september 1883 ingestelde Medaille van de Orde van Eer werd in zilver en goud verleend. De gouden medaille was de hoogste Osmaanse onderscheiding voor moed. De zilveren medaille werd "aan personen in de omgeving van soevereinen" verleend. Men droeg de medaille aan het rood-groene lint van de orde.

Er was behoefte om de Duitse, Oostenrijks-Hongaarse en Bulgaarse bondgenoten met een onderscheiding te decoreren die in vorm en status met hun orden en onderscheidingen overeenkwam. Dat werd de 1 maart 1915 door Sultan Mehmed Reschad V ingestelde IJzeren Halve Maan.

http://nl.wikipedia.org/wiki/IJzeren_Halve_Maan
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Feb 2011 21:52    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Smokkel

Veel gesmokkeld werd er in de grensgebieden die dagen ook. Iets wat een hoge graad van professionalisering kreeg. Dat leverde een beter belegde boterham op dan het soldij.

De grensbewaking was opgedragen aan grensbewakingstroepen die voortkwamen uit de plaatselijke landweereenheden. Dat was de kat op het spek binden.

Deze militairen die de grens moesten bewaken en smokkel tegen moesten gaan wisten in deze streken van de hoed en de rand. Daar was behoorlijk veel geld mee te verdienen en dat gebeurde dan ook.

Eind 1914 besloten de overvallers in België om een prikkeldraadversperring aan te leggen, een 180 Km. lange versperring waarop een dodelijke spanning werd aangesloten van 2000 Volt. Ook hier werden oplossingen gevonden om toch, met smokkelwaar, aan de andere kant van de grens te komen. Maar soms liep dat met dodelijk gevolg af.

Als gevolg van de stijgende prijzen werden de meeste armen armer, als gevolg van de stijgende winsten de meeste rijken rijker. Vanwege die prijzen en de tekorten poogden velen om de distributiebepalingen te ontduiken. Vooral in menig kring van gegoeden scheen men het als een sport te beschouwen om door knoeien en konkelen verboden waar te bemachtigen.

De smokkelarij vooral naar Duitsland en het door de Duitsers bezette België, nam enorme afmetingen aan. Toen de wet er eindelijk, 1 maart 1917, gevangenisstraf op stelde, kwam men spoedig ruimte te kort om veroordeelden op te bergen. Bij Scheveningen werd een nieuwe gevangenis gebouwd, de Cellenbarakken, als tijdelijk bedoeld - maar in 1940 stonden zij er nog steeds en werden bekend als het Oranje hotel.

http://www.mei1940.nl/Voor-de-oorlog/Mobilisatie_1914-1918..htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Feb 2011 21:58    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Duitse herstelbetalingen

1 maart 1921 - Door Duitsland worden, tijdens een conferentie in Londen, de herstelbetalingen van 26 miljard goudmark afgewezen. Een lager bedrag wordt echter door de geallieerden van de hand gewezen. Bij wijze van straf zullen hierop vanaf 8 maart de steden Dusseldorf, Duisburg, Mullheim en Oberhaussen door Belgische en Franse troepen worden bezet.

Bron: C. Fasseur: 'Wilhelmina. de jonge Koningin' (1998)

http://www.hetscheepvaartmuseum.nl/collectie/maritieme-kalender?j=&m=3&d=1
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Feb 2011 22:07    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Kanon hulpmijnenveger OEVELGONNE



Dit kanon komt van de Duitse mijnenveger OEVELGONNE die op 1 maart 1918 zonk ten noordwesten van Terschelling door een mijnexplosie. Tegelijkertijd zonken toen de hulpmijnenvegers HERMANN SIEBERT en de torpedoboot A-57. Dit is een 5,7 snelvuurkanon gemaakt door de Duitse wapenfabrikant Krupp uit Essen. Het staat naast het clubhuis van duikteam Ecuador aan de haven van Terschelling. Het kanon is in 1996 geborgen

http://wrakkenmuseum.nl/kanon-hulpmijnenveger-oevelgonne
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Feb 2011 22:09    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Petrus Leonardus Bergansius



Petrus Leonardus Bergansius werd op 3 augustus 1860 in Delft geboren en werd op 17-jarige leeftijd toegelaten als cadet op de KMA voor het wapen der artillerie. In 1881 werd hij tot 2e luitenant gepromoveerd, geplaatst bij het 1e Regiment Vesting Artillerie maar gedetacheerd op de Krijgsschool.

Hierna volgden diverse plaatsingen bij de veldartillerie en promoties. Het duurde echter twaalf jaar voor Bergansius de kapiteinsrang kreeg (1896), maar dat was normaal in het toenmalige leger. In de rang van majoor (promotie in 1910) zou Bergansius initiatiefnemer zijn tot het stichten van de Cursus voor Reserve Officieren der Bereden Artillerie. In 1915 volgde promotie tot kolonel en Bergansius diende bij het 1e Regiment Veldartillerie. Op 1 maart 1918 volgde bij zijn eervol ontslag promotie tot generaal-majoor.

http://jeoudekazernenu.nl/bergansius/bergansiusindex.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Feb 2011 22:14    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Het conflict tussen minister De Jonge en generaal Snijders april-juni 1918
Paul Moeyes

Snijders beweert dat Nederland in augustus 1914 buiten de oorlog bleef dankzij de tijdige mobilisatie.
Het veldleger bestond toen uit ongeveer 90.000 man waarvan de geoefendheid, uitrusting en
bewapening zeker niet beter was dan die in 1918. Toch moet daar volgens Snijders' theorie een
voldoende preventieve werking van zijn uitgegaan om een Duitse nevenaanval te ontmoedigen.
Volgens zijn eigen opgave bestond het veldleger op 1 maart 1918 uit 125.000 man, in Zeeland,
Gelderland en Overijssel aangevuld met 37.000 man territoriale troepen. Waarom achtte
Snijders dit hogere aantal onvoldoende voor een preventieve werking tegen wat nog altijd een
Duitse nevenaanval zou zijn?

Lees verder op http://www.collectie.legermuseum.nl/sites/strategion/contents/i004516/arma39%20een%20kwestie%20van%20vertrouwen.pdf
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Feb 2011 22:18    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Op zaterdag 1 maart 1919 bezocht koningin wilhelmina Kerkrade.

Op de foto staat de koningin met burgemeester Habets op het bordes van het raadhuis in Kerkrade.

http://www.nuentoen.nl/fotos/115947/koningin-wilhelmina-bezoekt-kerkrade.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Feb 2011 22:21    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

War Hero Job Hunting by Norman Rockwell - March 1, 1919 Issue of Collier's



This hero has returned home from World War I.

The war was not officially over when this painting was published. However, a state of truce had been declared, and soldiers had started returning home.

Here we see the soldier, still in uniform, his father and little brother. His father, with hands on the soldier's shoulders, is telling him that he is proud and glad to have him home.

More people in those days were not content to rest on their laurels than today. Both the soldier and his family acknowledge that it is time for him to go out and find a job. It is time for him to contribute to his family once more.

Draped over the chair in the background is a banner that says "Welcome Hero" .

http://www.best-norman-rockwell-art.com/norman-rockwell-colliers-cover-1919-03-01-war-hero-job-hunting.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Feb 2011 22:24    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Story of the Lost Battalion by Norman Rockwell - March 1, 1919 Issue of The Literary Digest



World War I was still not officially over at the time Norman Rockwell painted this cover. The fighting had stopped, but no formal peace declaration had yet been signed.

In this painting, we see a soldier and a sailor sitting on a park bench. A boy is standing behind them.

The soldier is telling a gripping war story. At his side is a package and his cane. Obviously, he was wounded in battle. He appears to be reliving a hand-to-hand battle, judging by his hands.

The sailor seated on the bench is listening intently to the narrative. He probably has war stories to tell as well.

The boy is the most interesting character to me. The expression on his face shows his awe for the soldier's story. The boy is experiencing the war vicariously through the soldier.

http://www.best-norman-rockwell-art.com/norman-rockwell-literary-digest-cover-1919-03-01-story-of-the-lost-battalion.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Mrt 2018 13:59    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Portsmouth, England. 1 March 1914...

... The Royal Australian Navy Submarine AE1 passing Fort Blockhouse as it leaves the Harbour.

Foto! https://www.awm.gov.au/collection/C335972
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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Mrt 2018 14:00    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

ON 1 MARCH 1914 JOYCE STARTED WRITING ULYSSES.

At the end of 1921 Joyce wrote to Harriet Weaver about a coincidence of birthdays connected with Ulysses. He claimed that he had finished writing the book on 30 October, Ezra Pound’s birthday, and that he had started writing it on 1 March, Frank Budgen’s birthday.

If Joyce actually started writing Ulysses on 1 March 1914, he didn’t work on it for very long. On his birthday, 2 February 1914, the Egoist had started serialising A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man, giving Joyce the impetus he needed to finish the novel. He was also negotiating terms with Grant Richards for the publication of Dubliners, which was to be published in June 1914. And Joyce wanted to continue work on his play Exiles, the first act of which he had written late in 1913. It was in order to write Exiles that he put aside work on Ulysses almost as soon as he’d started it.

Ulysses seems to have started life as an idea for another story for Dubliners. In September 1906, writing to his brother Stanislaus from Rome, Joyce said he had an idea for a story about a Mr Hunter. By November 1906, the story is called ‘Ulysses,’ but he writes to Stanislaus again early in February 1907 to say that his story hadn’t gone any further than the title.

In November 1907, Stanislaus recorded in his diary a conversation in which Joyce said he was making Ulysses into a short book, and that it was to be like Ibsen’s Peer Gynt, set in Dublin. Originally, A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man was to end with the episode of Stephen Dedalus at the Martello Tower in Sandycove, but Joyce later abandoned that idea and decided instead to open Ulysses at the Tower.

After setting aside Ulysses in March 1914 to finish Exiles, Joyce returned to it again in 1915. On 16 June that year he told Stanislaus that the first episode of Ulysses was finished, and he outlined the structure of the novel which at that stage was to have three parts and twenty-two episodes. In December 1915 he told Harriet Weaver that he wanted to get other work out of the way so that he could concentrate on Ulysses. But by October 1916, he still hadn’t completed the first part of the book, and it’s not until a visit to Locarno for three weeks in October 1917 that the first part of Ulysses was actually finished.

http://jamesjoyce.ie/day-1-march/
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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Mrt 2018 14:05    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

World War 1 - March 1915 Prelude to Hell - Part 1 - Apprenticing

This is a picture of the Canadians in England before they arrive in France. They look like "New Boys" and they are.

[foto]

Here they are in 1916 at the Somme - quite different.

[foto]

When they arrived in France in February 1915, they were the first non regular unit to arrive. So the British gave them a month's secondment to more experienced British units.

On March 1st, as a symbol, the 1st Battery in the 1st Brigade CFA fired the first ever round in anger for the Canadian Artillery in the war.

On March 3rd, at 10am, the 6th battery opened fire and fired 12 rounds. At 11am, the 7th fired 6 rounds at a house. At 11.30 the Germans replied with 9 rounds and at 3pm with 3 more. In response, the 7th fired another 11 rounds. It was on March 4th, that Alec's battery, the 5th, fired its own first rounds of the war. They fired 10 rounds.

Lees (én kijk!) verder op http://smartpei.typepad.com/robert_patersons_weblog/2015/03/world-war-1-march-1915-prelude-to-hell-part-1-apprenticing.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Mrt 2018 14:07    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Edward Maurice Williamson, 1 March 1915 - Oundle School

Edward Maurice Williamson was the fourth son of the late G E Williamson FRCS and Mrs Williamson of Woodfield Lodge, Streatham. He was born in Newcastle on 23rd July 1893 and entered Crosby House in September 1906, leaving in July 1911. He captained the Crosby House rugby team in his last year, playing at full-back, but they were knocked out in the first round of the House competition by Laxton. He was a corporal in the School’s OTC and a good shot.

His older brothers followed their father’s career, training as surgeons and serving as naval surgeons during the War. Edward Williamson, by contrast was determined on a military career. Entering Sandhurst in 1912, he was later gazetted to the 1st Battalion Notts and Derby Regiment, which was always known as the Sherwood Foresters. Having joined his regiment in Bombay in September 1913, he returned to England in October 1914, and the battalion proceeded to France in November.

Promoted as Lieutenant in December 1914, he was killed on 1st March 1915 near Laventie as British troops prepared for the Battle of Neuve Chapelle. He was shot by a German sniper when he was crossing a road visiting a detached platoon. He was hit in the chest through a screen which had been put up to hide an unprotected part of the line. The Germans apparently often shot through the screen on the off-chance of scoring a hit.

His Company Commander wrote: ‘He was a most excellent subaltern; if he had a fault it was that he was almost too daring. Had he lived, he must have received some recognition at the end of the war.’

Lieutenant Edward Williamson’s sergeant later wrote; ‘If ever there was a gentleman, it was Mr. Williamson. He was one of the few officers who knew how to treat his men as men.’

One of his comrades remembered Williamson’s boxing prowess, probably picked up at Oundle: ‘He was a good boy and plucky. He gave me a black eye last week, boxing, and I shall miss him as a sparring companion. I wish we could get more like him.’

He was buried in the Royal Irish Rifles Graveyard outside the village of Laventie in France. The graveyard now holds the remains of over 800 men killed in the war, 350 are unidentified.

Edward Maurice Williamson was 21 years old at the time of his death.

http://www.oundleschool.org.uk/Edward-Maurice-Williamson-1-March-2015?returnUrl=/World-War-I-

Cecil Hoyle Broadbent 1 March 1916 - Oundle School

Cecil Hoyle Broadbent came from Rochdale and arrived at School House at the start of Sanderson’s third year as housemaster in 1895.His father, from Stalybridge in Lancashire, managed a branch of the Manchester and Liverpool Bank. Cecil was the fifth of seven children and the third son of his parents’ marriage.

He became a school prefect in his last year and was a member of the rugby XV and the cricket XI. He was elected to a senior scholarship at Oundle in 1898, and confirmed his ability by winning six prizes on Speech Day 1900. Amongst these were a share of the Taylor Exhibition and the Headmaster’s prizes for Greek and Latin prose. He also won a major scholarship in Classics to Trinity College, Cambridge. In his first year there, Oundle’s Cambridge correspondent, writing in the Laxtonian magazine, claimed that Broadbent was “running over inoffensive old ladies and otherwise amusing himself”. Nonetheless, he clearly also applied himself to his studies, winning college prizes and obtaining a first in the classical tripos in 1903.

After Cambridge, he decided to become a schoolmaster. Appointed to Christ’s Brecon in 1903, he moved to Bradford Grammar School three years later. On the outbreak of war, Cecil Broadbent busied himself with the formation of an OTC at Bradford. In November 1914, he obtained a commission in the school’s OTC as Second Lieutenant and nine months later took a commission with the Yorkshire Light Infantry. He was sent to France in September 1915 and served in the trenches near Ypres. By February 1916, he had moved to the Somme area and was in charge of a Brigade Bombing School in Albert, behind the lines. There he was accidentally killed on 1st March 1916 when a mills bomb exploded prematurely while he was acting as instructor.

His Commanding Officer, Major Moorhouse wrote: “He was a most capable officer and had endeared himself to everyone. No loss yet sustained by the battalion – and we have had many – will be as difficult to repair.”

At 34, Cecil Broadbent was one of the older Oundelians to die in the conflict. He left behind a widowed mother.

http://www.oundleschool.org.uk/Cecil-Hoyle-Broadbent-1-March-1916?returnUrl=/World-War-I-
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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Mrt 2018 14:35    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL, 1ST MARCH, 1916.

http://www.legco.gov.hk/1916/h160301.pdf
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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Mrt 2018 14:39    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

The Russian Review/Volume 1/March 1916/Russia and Germany

Russia and Germany.
By A Russian.

The following article was written by a very prominent Russian journalist residing in the United States, who, for personal reasons, decided not to sign the article with his usual pen-name.—Ed.

I.
The present great War, in its countless ramifications and influences, has shaken the Russian Empire to its very foundations, and its ultimate results probably will affect the future of the Russian people more than that of any other belligerent. Many are the peculiarities, even oddities, of the history of the internal political, economic, and social structure of modern Russia,—and they are but little known and understood in the Western world, especially in America.

No other country presents such a wide, impassable gulf between its government and people as is found in Russia, and, in addition, there are well-defined divisions among the different classes of the people. And yet, in this war, so far, the country is undoubtedly united. Here is a marvel to wonder at; but all who know modern Russia can easily explain it by the universal, deep-rooted fear and hatred of Germany. This unity is the result partly of reasoned purpose, but mainly of sentiment. Russia regards Germany as the greatest menace to the liberty and welfare of the entire world, and as her greatest foe,—as a cruel master, who for centuries enslaved her in heavy, unbearable fetters, which she is now determined to cast off forever. Germany, misled by her own worship of State and of materialistic utilitarianism, has misjudged the reality. The part of Europe outside of her iron grip was not ready to cast aside its humane sentiment, its faith in right and morals. Belgium fought, instead of submitting; England intervened, instead of assuming the position of a neutral onlooker; Russia met the War united and determined to win, instead of falling into the throes of a revolution; even Italy, a member of the Triple Alliance which had ruled Europe for thirty years, renounced that Alliance, because its people felt the extreme danger to their future independent existence in case of German victory. In short, this War has proved once more that might alone is not yet all-powerful, even in international politics,—that pure national egotism cannot defy moral demands and obligations. Right and humanity still have their place in the destinies of our planet. And while the wonderful efficiency and might of the organization and technique of the military power of Germany were a painful surprise to the governments of all her present enemies, her iron State system and the general trend of the thought of her people were to a certain extent known. Long before this War burst upon us, their constant menace to the peace and liberty of other nations was understood by many thinking and observing people all over Europe.

The slow evolution and metamorphosis of the Germany of Kant, Hegel, and Schiller into the Germany of Wilhelm II., Krupp, and Bernhardi could not be hidden from intelligent Russians, who are, as a rule, acquainted with the German language. They have frequently visited Germany, by tens and even hundreds of thousands, the older people going because of Germany's many famous watering places, the younger, as students in her technical schools and universities, as Russia herself has not half enough of these institutions to supply the fast-growing demand of her people for higher education. In the last two decades, warnings were often sounded in the Russian press, and, when the War broke out at last, certain conclusions were quickly formed and accepted by the progressive and independent elements in scientific, literary, and professional circles. In this article I shall try to set forth, first, the conclusions to which this class of the Russian people, the so-called intelligentsia came: secondly the historical, social, and economic reasons of the hatred of the Germans by the whole of the Russian people; and thirdly, the real attitude of the reactionary elements in Russia towards the War.

II.
It was Bismarck who said, "Ohne Kaiser kein Reich," "Without Emperor, no State." He believed in absolutism combined with military strength, and upon these two pillars of political faith rested his policy of "blood and iron," inaugurated by Prussia as early as 1863, when she was as yet a small State disputing with Italy the right to be counted as one of the five great powers of Europe. Modern German imperialism is built wholly upon this combined formula. Even Rome at the height of her power did not present such an absolute and all-absorbing idea as does German imperialism, despite both German and Prussian constitutions. The Prussian victories of 1864, 1866, and 1870-71 destroyed the former organization of the many German States, and built on its ruins the German Empire of the Hohenzollerns. That new combination of State and dynasty, by the energetic, persistent, and consistent work of forty-four years, succeeded in concentrating the mind of the German people upon the idea that the State is everything and that its welfare requires of the individual blind obedience to its dictates. Modern Germany thinks and acts as one man so far as the State is concerned. Her discipline and training in this respect are invulnerable. In his private life, a German may still adhere to the ideals of Kant or Hegel or Schiller,—but once called into the service of the State, he must obliterate his personality and obey a power which is independent of any control by the people. This fanatical idolatry of the State, produced the national song, "Deutschland über Alles," led to the famous saying of the present Kaiser, "Suprema lex regit voluntas," and to the most recent motto proclaimed by Chancellor Bethmann-Hollweg, "Not kennt kein Gebot." Europe, which complacently watched the transformation of the tiny Grand Duchy of Brandeburg into the Kingdom of Prussia and later into the German Empire, was itself somewhat hypnotized by the marvelous growth of the German power. Still, it often showed its fear of this power, though permitting Germany to attain a dominating influence over the affairs of the Continent. As to America, it is sufficient to remind the reader of the many articles of recent years in our press, which invariably eulogized the Kaiser and called him the War Lord of Europe. He was not slow to become cognizant of this widespread feeling of surprise and dread, and it is this consciousness that he summed up by another saying, "No great decision in the affairs of the world can be taken without Germany and her Emperor." This political domination, attained by military strength, flattered the German people, and turned its thought from the lofty, humanitarian ideals of the beginning of the nineteenth century to the arrogant assertion of new idols: the Kaiser, the State, and the Army. The idea that power alone produces results, while sentiment and humanitarian notions weaken a nation, became prevalent in Germany, and created these new, inexorable gods. In the course of time, as an unavoidable consequence, economic domination became an integral and prominent part of this platform, and in the end, national egotism, fed by State utilitarianism upon the soil of practical materialism, became the substance of German policy towards the world. Germany began to think that she was not only strong enough to take, but that she was actually entitled to, anything in the world that she might happen to want. German arrogance often bordered on insolence. It is sufficient to remember several of the Kaiser's speeches to the Reichstag and to his army, his despatch to Paul Krüger, Admiral Dietrich's behavior in Manila Bay, and the Agadir incident.

Energetic efforts of both the Government and the people, led by identical impulses and concentrated upon identical aims, evolved a very high degree of efficiency in all directions and produced a mighty and a highly disciplined power. It is a machine blindly obedient to a central rule, unscrupulous, and devoid of any human feeling. The presence of the agents of this machine is felt in every corner of the globe. America is permeated from one end to the other by their activity, and no country seems to be small enough to be overlooked by them and their crafty intrigues. The size, the might, the omnipresence of this power were undoubtedly much underrated by the world.

But, mighty as it is, there is revealed one exceedingly weak point in this great structure,—a point which should prove fatal to it. Bismarck, in laying its foundations and leading it to its zenith, used methods entirely different from those employed to-day. He did not flourish the mailed fist; he did not show contempt for everybody else; he had the public opinion of the world with him in all his wars. Although himself the real aggressor, he knew how to make the world believe that he was on the defensive. He scrupulously observed international law, was clever and polite to the neutrals, and, while probably not less brutal in his make-up and convictions than the modern rulers of Germany, was not so cynical and did not show such open contempt for right and morals as they do. He would not have called an international treaty a "scrap of paper," he would not have said that "necessity recognizes no law." He was always careful not to offend human sentiments and feelings, as Wilhelm II. and his entourage make a point of doing every day. The fact is, that German contempt for everything not German, and their reliance upon their centralized bureaucracy and their military strength, have outgrown all limits since Bismarck's days. Germany has cast aside all prudence, while arrogance and cynicism are Hung right and left without need or cause. Her attempts to shift the responsibility for this War, to appear to be sinned against, were tardy and clumsy, and consequently fruitless. Bismarck would have staged the war differently, would have conducted it differently, and the independent thought and sympathy of the world would not have been so pronouncedly against Germany. One of the best concrete examples of this vital difference is presented by the brutally frank system of premeditated terror against the non-belligerent population of various countries, persecuted by barbarous methods. None of these measures has, so far, proved effective in any degree, but they have created hatreds and enmities that it will take many generations to heal, and which make peace impossible until one side is completely crushed. Wanton, unnecessary cruelly, while probably unavoidable to some degree as the result of insufficient discipline in some parts of an army, becomes unpardonable and unforgettable if used as a system, as a calculated means to attain certain ends. In this war, not only German military authorities, but the whole German people approve of this and applaud it. Germany's scientific and literary lights sign manifestoes approving the destruction of Louvain, the bombardment of the Rheims cathedral, the sinking of the Lusitania, the Zeppelin raids on country towns. Nothing could depict more obviously the general brutalization of modern German thought than these manifestoes. And nothing can better show its contempt of the public opinion of the world and its inability to comprehend the possible existence of different points of view. The very idea of such a possibility is inconceivable to their hypnotized minds, bereft of individual freedom. And, as a direct consequence, Germany's State system, her aims, methods, and results, are to-day plainly revealed to anybody who thinks for himself and values his country's liberty.

Of course, this short sketch is only a rough compendium of the analysis and conception of the Russian intelligentsia as to what modern Germany represents in general. But it explains why this War, above all, is taken to be a mortal struggle between the principles of autocracy and militarism on one side, and of democracy and peace on the other,—a battle of a new Roman Empire in its incipiency, and the sovereignty and freedom of separate nationalities. It was this verdict that settled all internal differences in Russia, led the various movements of independent political thought into one channel, and determined their relation to the War. Germany must be defeated at all costs, as her victory will mean political and economic slavery for the world. The so-called German "kultur" represents merely an iron rod, which forces the people to be of a certain opinion considered necessary by the ruling power. It is truly the bitter irony of fate which compelled the reactionary forces in Russia to fight such a proposition, which must have had their hearty approval and support. And the position of Russia is especially dangerous because of this, as the peculiar selfish interests of her reactionary forces would necessarily compel them to join the German oppressors and to make this slavery unbearable. But of this later on.

III.
The internal history of Russia since the time of Peter the Great represents, in its international and domestic affairs, a continual struggle between the native population and German domination. Western civilization and culture were grafted upon Muscovite life by force and in fragments, instead of growing into it by the normal and peaceful influences of science, art, and commerce. Peter the Great was the most cruel and violent reformer known in history, and the hosts of foreigners whom he invited to help him civilize his subjects took their cue from him, treating the people of Russia harshly and offensively. The large majority of these foreigners were Germans, and, while some of them were educated and useful people, the greater number belonged to the class of the adventurer who roams over the world seeking to acquire riches by any and every means at the expense of the native. Their objects was not to make for themselves and their posterity a permanent home in Russia, but to amass wealth quickly and return to their Vaterland. The best way to convey some understanding to the American mind of the real character of these intruders is to compare them to the prevailing type of the "carpet bagger" in the South during the reconstruction period following the Civil War of 1861-65. This policy has remained unchanged up to the present day. For two centuries the Germans have been coming to Russia in a constant stream, until they have come to dominate her State service, her industries, and her commerce. The world-renowned Russian bureaucracy is of their creation. The personnel of the ministry of the Imperial Court is composed mostly of them. So is the Russian diplomatic service abroad, as well as the Department of State Police and the Gendarmerie. In addition to this innumerable horde of state employees in the most influential and lucrative positions, the War for the first time revealed the full meaning of the fact that there were many hundreds of thousands of Germans scattered all over the Russian Empire, partly nominal Russian citizens of the "hyphenated type," but mostly German subjects, although living in Russia for generations. About thirty millions of acres of the best agricultural lands were owned by them, as well as thousands upon thousands of the most profitable industrial, banking, and commercial concerns. In some lines they enjoyed complete monopolies. The electrical power and gas companies, supplying Petrograd, Moscow, Kiev, and many other cities, were completely in their hands. Their land holdings, concentrated on the shores of the Black and the Baltic Seas, in Volhynia, Podolia and the Polish provinces, were doubled during the last decade, land being bought at exorbitant prices with money supplied by the Deutsches Bank of Berlin. There is no doubt that it was premeditated colonization, conducted by the German government, and located in the border regions especially important for their strategical value to an invading army. Every fortress in Poland, and as far as the Dwina river, was surrounded by such German farms. All these people were closely banded together, helping one another. They did not mingle with the local Russian population, but constituted an Empire of their own, with exclusive organizations of all kinds, governed only by the political and economic interests of their Vaterland, and an open contempt for the people and the country in which they were living. Practically all of them enjoyed special privileges of one kind or another.

The Hohenzollerns fought democracy at home with better success than any reigning dynasty in Europe. They maintained the divine rights of kings persistently and openly, and sustained and helped the reactionary forces of Russia in their fight against political freedom all through the nineteenth century and up to the outbreak of this war. The Russian people had no more bitter foes anywhere. Wilhelm I. blocked the Russian constitution in 1881; Wilhelm II., in 1905. They were constantly afraid that political freedom in Russia would quickly undermine their own feudal institutions; they carefully watched Russian internal affairs and helped the Russian reactionary forces every time opposition pressed them. This help was of course rendered secretly, but always by orders to the Germans within Russia. It must be borne in mind that no important state institution in Russia was ever free of the Germans, and very often they were at the head, having full knowledge of the innermost state secrets, and acting always in concert with the ultra-reactionaries. The reader will understand why independent Russian public opinion, led by the intelligentsia of the country, came to detest and dread everything German. Backed by the Germans at home and by the Hohenzollerns abroad, Russian absolutism stood like a stone wall against any political reform.

The nobility of Russia, (who, with the bureaucracy and the black clergy, constitute the main support of the reactionary forces), imported German superintendents for their estates, German directors for their industries, German teachers and governesses for their children. While the French language and French manners prevailed in the upper circle, the whole business structure of the country was German. There is no type of man more detested throughout Russia than the German superintendent, either in the country or in town. He is proverbial for his cruelty and greed, and the masses of the Russian people always remember him as the main cause of their sufferings during the times of serfdom. To these general considerations of the role of imported Germans in Russia must be added the work and influence of the Germans in the three Baltic provinces,—Courland, Livonia and Esthonia. They are usually called the German provinces, although in reality they never belonged to Germany, and the Germans there constitute less than two per cent of the population, which consists of Letts of the Slav race and of Esthonians of the Finnish race. Parts of this territory belonged in various epochs to Denmark, Sweden, Lithuania, Poland,—but never to Germany. Some parts formed, for short periods, small independent states; others became vassal states of one or another of the above-named countries. In the thirteenth century, the Teutonic Order of Knights Templars, under the pretext of extending Christianity, occupied portions of them, and, after bloody contests with the natives, ruled these portions, but as subjects of Swedish, Lithuanian, or Polish kings. They robbed the Letts and the Esthonians of their lands, and rented these lands back to them, somewhat as Irish landlords do. There exists no more miserable and oppressed tenantry anywhere in the world to-day, and the Russian military forces frequently had to suppress bloody local revolts against the German masters. During the eighteenth century, Russia annexed all these regions to her Empire, reorganized the descendants of the Knights as local nobility with all the special rights they claimed, and up to the present, has upheld all their privileges. This German nobility in the Baltic provinces is the only remnant of any nobility in the world which has retained all its medićval privileges. The population of these provinces is over five millions, while the original Germans number less than forty thousand, with about sixty thousand attendants, who were imported to serve them. This nobility, especially the richest part of it, possessing, through entail, large landed estates, presents a curious social phenomenon. It is closely related to the Prussian Junkerdom by family ties, and, when there are two or more sons in a family, one is found in the Russian, and another in the Prussian state service. As a striking example of this, the war revealed the fact that the now famous German Field-Marshal von Hindenburg inherited and owned a large estate in Russia. Of course, the Russian people always doubted the loyalty of this nobility to Russian interests whenever Germany was concerned. There were many cases of proved treason, a most conspicuous one in the trial of the spy, Miassoyedov, and his co-workers.

Those of the Baltic barons who stay in Russia form a very strong social factor in Petrograd, one of the main props of the reactionary forces. They are closely connected with the imported German elements described above, and guide and aid them in every way. There is no doubt that this Baltic nobility and their special privileges and distinctions at the Court had a great deal to do with the general hatred of Germans in Russia.

IV.
Alexander III. married a Danish princess, the present Dowager Empress, a clever and energetic woman, who will never forgive Prussia the shameless robbery of her country in 1864. That robbery by two mighty Empires of one of the smallest kingdoms in existence was so adroitly manipulated by Bismarck, that Europe passively countenanced the act, making the initial blunder which created modern Germany and led to this War. It is generally considered that the Dowager Empress was the chief cause of Alexander's anti-German feelings and of the creation of the Franco-Russian Entente. Both were, however, purely platonic, and did not greatly disturb Germany, especially as the Germans still remained all-powerful in the Russian state service. The nationalistic tendencies did not go beyond changes in military uniforms, and similar details.

It is the common belief in Russia that Alexander III., on his death-bed, exacted a solemn promise from his son to preserve autocracy at all cost, and, for its sake, to avoid an open break with Germany. On the other hand, it is a record of history that one of Bismarck's strongest convictions was the necessity for Germany to maintain peace with Russia, because common fundamental interests of monarchism in both countries demanded this. Permanent peace seemed to be assured, especially as Germany, up to the time of her ultimatum of July 31st, 1914, remained strictly loyal to the interests of autocracy in Russia, and conserved the sympathies of all ultra-reactionary elements. But Russia is a great state whose enormous territory and one hundred and eighty millions of people have other and more vital interests. Germany, during the last quarter of a century, constantly and deliberately harmed these interests, political and economic, until the pressure was overdone, and these interests reasserted themselves.

Nothing retards Russia's political and economic growth so much as her lack of a free outlet to the open seas. Her geographical position on the map of the world is most unfortunate and has no parallel. Practically all her wars since the beginning of the eighteenth century came about under the compulsion of the search for such an outlet. England fancied danger to her East Indian possessions if the Dardanelles were open to Russia, and for over a century protected Turkey. The ghosts of both Pitts, and of Palmerston and Beaconsfield, are certainly turning in their graves if they can sense the fact that to-day a British fleet and army are battling hard to open the Dardanelles for Russia. Only lately did English statesmen realize that it was a mistake to deny Russia her legitimate demands, but when a rapprochement came and England withdrew her support of Turkey, Germany quickly seized the opportunity, planted herself in Constantinople, and erected even a stronger bar against Russia's desires. Few people in America realize what a tremendous shock to Russia's most cherished ambition was the acquisition by Germany of complete control over Turkey's affairs, and especially the appointment of German generals to command the Turkish army. Yet Russia submitted. It is fully understood now that the Russo-Japanese War was brought about chiefly by German mischief-making in both countries. And when the Portsmouth peace was concluded, the real pound of flesh was taken from Russia by the German-Russian commercial treaty of 1905-Russia was prostrated by the war and by the revolution. Germany took her by the throat and forced upon her that treaty, unparalleled in history by its onesidedness. It contained such tariff and traffic concessions and privileges that within a short time, over sixty per cent of all Russian foreign trade had to come through German hands, and either by German ships or over German railroads. During the last decade Russia has paid Germany an enormous indemnity, a fixed charge for Russia's helplessness after her war with Japan. In 1908, Austria, of course with Germany at her back, annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina, again a complete affront to Russia. In 1912 Germany allowed the first Balkan War to proceed, because she firmly believed that Turkey, supplied with German officers, guns, and armament, would surely beat the Balkan confederation of Slav states. But, when this hope was not fulfilled, Germany promptly instigated the second Balkan War, which left all those states completely exhausted and in a state of mutual hatred, besides creating a new cause for future discord in the foolish and fantastic kingdom of Albania.

But in the meantime Russian public opinion found this growing German domination unbearable. The industrial and commercial spheres were aroused to the danger, feeling the slow but sure strangulation of their legitimate rights. Probably the treaty of 1905 was the main cause of the present upheaval: it was too crude, too glaringly unjust. At the same time the entire German press, always arrogant and even contemptuous towards Russia, was exceedingly provocative and offensive. Thus, when the assault upon Servia came, Russia rose as a unit, refusing any longer to stand this systematic encroachment upon her interests. The Government recognized the imperative voice of the people, and, willingly or not, the German threats were ignored.

The German barons, both Baltic and imported, and the ultra-reactionaries, the so-called "Black Hundred," were certainly displeased with this. But they had only one big man among them, the late Count Witte, a personal friend of both Bismarck and the present Kaiser, the author of the treaty of 1905, and one who was constantly accused of treason to Russia because of it. But he died, and this small faction is now hopelessly discredited. The numerous recent changes in the Cabinet brought into power strong reactionaries, who, however, are without exception of the nationalist, anti-German party, men believing in the necessity of a war to the last ditch.

The first nine months of the war were to a considerable degree prosecuted successfully by the Russian armies,—but they exhausted all military supplies, especially arms and munitions. The bureaucracy proved once more its utter inefficiency and shortsightedness. Last April, when the Germans began their drive in Galicia, the Russian artillery had no shells, and some regiments of infantry at the front had, instead of rifles, iron clubs with which to fight. Only history will reveal in its true light the valor and the helplessness of the Russian army during that drive. Conditions at the front became quickly known throughout Russia, and great anger and indignation were universal. In two or three months of intense suffering, even very conservative men lost all patience with the eternal shortcomings of the Government. Both Chambers of the Russian legislative apparatus—the State Council and the Douma—were in session. These bodies contained large Government majorities—the Upper about four-fifths, the Lower over two-thirds of their entire membership. But under the accumulating charges of countless blunders, mismanagement, and dishonesty, these majorities melted down and the liberal opposition soon succeeded in forming strong progressive blocs, which demanded a change of Cabinet and a ministry responsible to the Chambers. At the same time, great meetings of representatives of all cities and towns and of the Zemstvo (local country governments) assembled in Moscow and passed strong resolutions to the same effect. The answer to this was the dissolution of the Chambers and the refusal to receive the delegates of the meetings. Berlin fondly hoped for a revolution to come. Indeed, such an outbreak seemed imminent, but the Russian people proved that it had developed politically since 1905. Self-control is one of the truest signs of political maturity. The people submitted, and gave itself with wonderful unanimity and energy to producing the necessities for the army. It avoided all internal conflict, and with dignity. Government gun and ammunition factories were full of German spies, and some of the largest ones were destroyed by explosions and fires. Committees of the people were formed everywhere, even in small rural communities, and very quickly every private manufacturing concern was turned into a factory to produce army supplies, from guns to boots. Russian industry is to-day thoroughly organized and mobilized, and even the school-children are at work. The cool heads prevailed; all political parties, the two principal Socialist ones included, issued manifestoes to the people to set political issues aside, to keep at peace, and at work. This feverish activity keeps up wonderfully, and the army is better provided than ever before. And it is a totally different army from the one with which Russia started the War. The original complement of officers is practically annihilated. Ensigns of the reserve, mostly young professional men of all callings in private life, intelligent and educated, command companies, battalions, squadrons, and batteries. The ranks are probably less trained in the tricks and niceties of the war trade, but among them are many determined and thinking men. The supply of men is inexhaustible. And, in all probability, there can be no shortage of arms and ammunition.

There will be no political disorder in Russia until this War is over. Government failure and reactionary provocation will, in the meantime, do their work. This War must be won first, before the political status is attacked.

https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/The_Russian_Review/Volume_1/March_1916/Russia_and_Germany
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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Mrt 2018 14:41    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

New Zealand Division formed - 1 March 1916

After the evacuation from Gallipoli in December 1915, New Zealand forces returned to Egypt to recover. In February 1916, it was decided that Australian and New Zealand infantry divisions would be sent to the Western Front. On 1 March, the New Zealand Division was formed.

Commanded by Major-General Andrew Hamilton Russell, the Division consisted of three brigades of four battalions each with supporting artillery and other units.

In April 1916 the Division crossed the Mediterranean to France. In mid-September it joined the Battle of the Somme as part of a renewed offensive to break the German lines around Flers. In June 1917 the New Zealanders helped capture the Messines Ridge in Flanders. On each occasion the Division achieved its objectives, but suffered heavy casualties. In October the New Zealanders experienced devastating losses at Passchendaele, with an attack on Bellevue Spur on the 12th costing the lives of more than 840 soldiers.

The Division’s last major action was capturing the French town of Le Quesnoy on 4 November – just a week before the end of the war.

https://nzhistory.govt.nz/page/new-zealand-division-formed
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The Guardian - Archive: Conscientious and unconscientious objectors - editorial

1 March 1916: After earnestly protesting against all war as murder, a man in a London court naively added that the pay wasn’t good enough either

It may be the fault of the correspondents, whose selection tends naturally towards the abnormal, but the conscientious objectors who have been before the tribunals so far do not strike one as at all typical.

Some have gone to the extreme of delightful ingenuousness, as witness the man in a London court who after earnestly protesting against all war as murder, naively added that the pay wasn’t good enough either. Other applicants, in their eagerness to prove that they really have a conscience, have gone to lengths which go far to convict them of having no conscience at all.

Such a one was the man who declared that his conscience would not suffer him to lift up a wounded soldier who had slipped off his crutches, and that it forbade him equally to succour children dying in the wreckage of an air raid. One may feel glad that this sort of evidence was promptly rejected and still be rather sorry for the army which gained such a recruit.

It is, of course, one of the objections to conscription that it hurts the army by imposing as a penalty in individual cases the very service which the public-spirited citizen accepts as the most honourable of duties.

But it must be added that much of the ridiculous stuff which has been talked before the tribunals is simply the outcome of the cruder methods of the cross-examiner. The stock test seems to be whether the applicant would use force against a German whom he caught in the act of bayoneting his mother or chloroforming his children, and the fact that so many have been ploughed by a false dilemma strengthens the impression that the really serious conscientious objectors have yet to come in numbers.

The tribunals have a very difficult task in seeing that a justifiable statutory exemption is not abused, but in many cases the applicant’s associations, perhaps even his demeanour, should afford safer guidance than a random cross-examination.

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/mar/01/conscientious-objectors-army-1916-archive
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1 March 1916 | Centenary of WW1 in Orange

Arthur Edward Neal enlists. Arthur is commemorated on the Centenary of WWI in Orange Honour Roll; he would be killed in action in France on 15 May 1917.

http://www.centenaryww1orange.com.au/events/1-march-1916/
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